Full text of "The Bontoc Igorot"

See other formats

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.

We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web

at http : //books . google . com/|

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

e:\

Digitized by

Google

^ • • DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR

Ethnological Survey Publications

VOLUME 1

THE BONTOC IGOROT

ALBERT ERNEST JENKS

1&228

MANILA

BUREAU OF PUBLIC PRINTING

1905

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

Department of the Interior,

The Ethnological Survey,

Manila, February S, 1904-
Sir: I have the honor to submit a study of the Bon toe Igorot made
for this Survey during the year 1903. It is transmitted with the rec-
ommendation that it be published as Volume I of a series of scientific
studies to be issued by The Ethnological Survey for the Philippine
Islands.

Respectfully,

Chief of The Ethnological Survey,

Hon. Dean C. Worcester,

Secretary of the Interior, Manila, P. L

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

CONTENTS

Page

Preface ^ 13

Intboduction 17

Chapter I

The Igorot Culture Group 23

Igorotland 23

IgOFot peoples 27

Chapter II

The BoNToc Culture Group 30

Bontoc culture alrea 30

Marks of Bontoc culture 32

The Bontoc man — — 1 33

Introduction 33

Historical sketch 35

Somatology r 39

Man - _ 39

Woman 43

Child 45

Pathology 46

Chapter III

\j General Social Life 48

The pueblo 48

Ato 49

Pabafunan and fawi 50

Olag 63

Along 55

The family _ _. 59

Childbirth __._ 59

Twins - 60

Abortion 60

Child 61

Care of child in parents' dwelling 61

Naming 62

Circumcision 63

Amusements 64

Puberty 66

Life in olag J, 66

Marriage 68

Divorce 69

The widowed 70

Orphans 70

The aged 70

Sickness, disease, and remedies 71

Death and burial 4 74

Digitized by

Google

6 CONTENTS

Chapter IV Page

Economic Life 81

Production .' 81

Natural production 81

Hunting 81

Fishing , 85

Vegetal production 87

Cultural production 88

Agriculture 88

Building the sementera.. 89

Irrigating 91

Turning the soil 93

Fertilizing 97

Seed planting—- 97

Transplanting 98

Cultivating :. 99

Protecting 100

Harvesting 103

Storing 105

Expense and profit 107

Zooculture 107

Carabao 1,08

Hog 108

Chicken 109

Dog 110

Clothing production 111

Man's clothing 111

Woman's clothing 113

Implement and utensil production 114

Introduction 114

Wooden implements and utensils : 115

Metal implements and utensils 116

Pottery .. 117

Basket work 121

Weapon production 123

Wooden weapons 124

Metal weapons 125

Pipe production and smoking : 130

Fire making 133

Division of labor 134

Wages, and exchange of labor 136

Distribution 137

Theft 1 137

Conquest 138

Consumption : 139

Foods 139

Beverages 143

Salt 145

Sugar 147

Meals and mealtime 148

Transportation 149

Digitized by

Google

CONTENTS 7

Economic Life — Continued. !*»«•

Commerce 151

Barter 151

Sale. 153

Medium of exchange 154

Measure of exchange value 155

Standard of value 156

Palay currency 156

Trade routes - 156

Trade languages and traders 157

Stages of commerce 158

Proi)erty right _— 159

Personal property of individual 159

Personal property of group 160

Real property of individual ^ 160

Real property of group 162

Public property 162

Sale of property -. 162

Rent, loan, and lease of property 163

Inheritance and bequest 164

Tribute, tax, and "rake off'' 165

Chapter V

Political Lipb and Control 167

Crimes, detection and punishment 168

Chapter VI

War and Head-Hunting 172

Chapter VII

^Esthetic Life „ ._^ 184

Dress 184

Decoration 187

Tattoo 187

Music 189

Instrumental music . 189

Vocal music 192

Dancing 193

Grames 194

Formalities 195

Chapter VIII

Religion 196

Spirit belief ^- 196

Exorcist ___ 198

Lumawig, the Supreme Being 200

'^Changers" in religion 204

Priesthood 205

Sacred days 206

Ceremonials 207

Ceremonies connected with agriculture 207

Ceremonies connected with climate 213

Ceremonies connected with head taking 214

Ceremony connected with ato 215

Digitized by

Google ;|

O CONTENTS

Chaptke IX Page

Mental Life . 216

Actual knowledge 216

Mensuration 217

Numbers 217

Lineal measure 218

Measurement of animals 218

The calendar 218

Folktales 221

The sun man and moon woman; or, the origin of head-hunting 221

Origin of coling, the serpent eagle . 222

Origin of tilin, the rice bird 223

Origin of kaag, the monkey 223

Origin of gayyang, the crow, and fanias, the large hzard 224

Owug, the snake 225

Who took my father's head? —^ 225

Chapter X

Langhaob 227

Introduction 227

Alphabet 227

Linguistic inconsistencies 229

Nouns 229

Pronouns 230

Verbs 231

Comparative vocabularies 231

Bontoc vocabulary 233

Digitized by

Google

ILLUSTRATIONS

Group of prominent men, Bontoc paeblo. (Frontispiece.) After page

Plate I. Sketch map of the Philippine Archipelago 16

II. Sketch map of northern Luzon 16

III. Sketch map of Bontoc culture area 16

rv. Section of Cervantee-Bontoc trail 16

V. East side of Tilud pass 16

VI. A glimpse of "Igorotland" 16

VII. Balugan pueblo 16

VIII. Pueblo of Sagada 16

IX. Entrance to Bontoc pueblo 16

X. Kulokulo, a man of Mayinit pueblo, bust view 16

XI. Ogangga, a man of Samoki pueblo 16

XII. Kulokulo, a man of Mayinit pueblo, full-length view 16

XIII. Bongao, a man of Alap pueblo 32

XIV. Bodada, a man of Samoki pueblo 32

XV. Udao, a woman of Bontoc pueblo 32

XVI. Young wpmen of Bontoc pueblo 32

XVII. Zagtagan, a woman of Bontoc pueblo 32

XVni. Kanayu, a woman of Bontoc pueblo 32

XIX. Langsa, a woman of Bontoe pueblo 32

XX. Sitlinin, a boy of Bontoc pueblo 32

XXI. Pitapit, a boy of Bontoc pueblo 32

XXII. Girls of Bontoc pueblo 32

XXIII. Blind woman of Bontoc pueblo 32

XXIV. Tauli, a bUnd man of Samoki pueblo— 32

XXV. Deformed feet of Bontoc men. 48

XXVI. Bontoc pueblo viewed from Samoki 48

XXVII. Samoki pueblo viewed from Bontoc 48

XXVIII. Sketch plat of Bontoc pueblo 1 48

XXIX. Sketch plat of a section of ato Sipaat, Bontoc pueblo 48

XXX. Pabafunan of ato Filig 48

XXXI. Fawi of ato Sipaat 48

XXXII. Fawiof atoChoko 48

XXXin. Olag in Bontoc pueblo 48

XXXIV. Bontoc dwelling, thefayu 48

XXXV. Timbers for a building seasoning in the mountains 64

XXXVI. Fayu, showing open door 64

XXXVII. Bontoc dwelling, the katyufong 64

XXXVIII. "In the shade of the low projecting roof'* 64

XXXIX. A mother coming to the river for water 64

XL. The baby tenders 64

XLL Somkad*s death chair 64

XLIL Pine coffins 64

XLIIL The burial of Somkad 64

XUV. Bugti with his wild-cock snare 64

Digitized by

Google

10 ILLUSTRATIONS

After page

Plate XLV. Wild-cock snare set __. 64

XLVI. Wild-cat caught in a snare 64

XLVIL Bird snares 80

XLVIIL Trap fishing 80

XLIX. Emptying the fish trap 80

L. Fisherman examining his obofu 80

LI. Rice sementeras at transplanting season 80

LII. Banawi rice sementeras ._ 80

LIII. A rice sementera wall 80

LIV. Women weeding a sementera wall 80

LV. Partial view of Bontoc irrigating works^ 80

LVI. The main dam across the river at Bontoc 80

LVIL Sketch of irrigating works 80

LVIII. Irrigating ditch 80

LIX. Turning the soil 80

LX. Mud-spattered soil turners 96

LXI. Soil turners tramping the bed soft and smooth 96

LXII. Bontoc camote beds 96

LXIII. Men crossing the river with fertilizer 96

LXIV. Woman digging camotes 96

LXV. Rice-seedbeds 96

LXVI. Women transplanting rice 96

LXVII. Bird scarers flying over a bed of ripening rice 96

LXVIII. An outlook to guard against wild hogs 96

LXI X. General harvesting view 96

LXX. Two harvesters 96

LXXI. Camote harvest 96

LXXII. Rice granaries ^ 112

LXXIII. Bunches of palay curing in the sun 112

LXXIV. Near view of rice granaries— ^ 112

LXXV. Carrying home the camotes 112

LXXVI. Philippine carabao 112

LXXVIL Bontoc pigpens 112

LXX VIII. Chicken cage in which fowls are shut at night 112

LXXIX. Men'shatsand headband 112

LXXX. Man's bag pocket and rain hat 112

LXXXI. Igorot cotton blankets 112

LXXXII. Kambulo blankets woven of bark fiber 112

LXXXIII. Bontoc woman spinning bark thread 112

LXXXI V. Lepanto Igorot woman weaving cotton 128

LXXXV. Wooden pig pails : 128

LXXXVL Wooden spoons 128

LXXXVII. Samoki potters at the clay pit 128

LXXX VIII. Transporting clay from ^he pit to the pueblo 128 .

LXXXIX. The potter at her art 128

• XC. Shaping the rim of a pot 128

XCI. Expanding the bowl of a pot 128

XCII. Finishing a sun-dried pot ^ 128

XCIII. Woman's large transportation basket and winnowing tray 128

XCIV. Household baskets _*._-_. 128

XCV. Thefangao, or '*head basket" 128

XCVI. Bontoc wooden war shields 144

XCVII. Bontoc wooden war shields 144

Digitized by

Google

ILLUSTRATIONS 11

After page

Plate XCVIII. Kalinga wooden war shields 144

XCIX. Banawi wooden war shield 144

C. Bontoc war spears 144

CI. Bontoc spears, fangkao and kayyan 144

OIL Bontoc battle-axes 144

cm. Bontoc battle-axes 144

CIV. Balbelasan battle-axes 144

CV. Agawa clay-pipe maker 144

CVI. Agawa clay pipes 144

CVII. Agawa clay pipes with stems 144

CVin. Beeswax, and wax pipe models 160

CIX. Metal-pipe makers . 160

ex. Finished metal pipes 160

CXI. Women threshing rice 160

CXII. Children paring camotes 160

CXIII. Grourd for storing salt meats 160

CXIV. Bamboo tube for carrying basi to the fields . 160

CXV. Mayinit salt houses 160

CXVI. Mayinit salt manufacture __. 160

CXVII. Preparing cakes of salt for baking 160

CXVIIL A cane-sugar mill 160

CXIX. Methods of transportation 160

CXX. Man's transportation basket, the kimata 176

CXXI. Woman's transportation baskets 176

CXXII. Women burden bearers 176

CXXIII. Igorot commerce — the pottery merchants, and "comercian-

tes" of Tulubin 176

CXXIV. Palay sellers 176

CXXV. A basi vender 176

CXXVL Maklan, a Bontoc warrior 176

CXXVIL Komisonthe war trail 176

CXXVIIL "Anitohead" ofaKomis 192

CXXIX. The warrior's attack 192

CXXX. Battle-axes ^ 192

CXXXL A head dance _- — - 192

CXXXn. Ceremonial rice threshing---, 192

CXXXIIL Thefawi, where skulls are kept 192

CXXXIV.^A basket of soot-blackened human skulls 192

CXXXV. A beheaded human body 192

CXXXVL Burial of a beheaded human body . 208

CXXXVIL Man's headdress 208

CXXXVin. Woman's ear plug 208

CXXXIX. Woman's bead headdress 208

CXL. Woman's bustle-like girdle 208

CXLI. Woman showing rolled hair . 208

CXLIL Rolled-hair headdress 208

CXLIIL Tattooed Bontoc man 208

CXLIV. Two well-done tattooes on men 224

CXLV. An elaborate tattoo on a man 224

CXLVI. A simple tattoo on a man.- -^ 224

CXLVIL Bontoc woman's tattoo : 224

CXLVin. Banawi man's tattoo 224

CXLIX. Banawi woman's tattoo 224

Digitized by

Google

12 ILLUSTRATIONS

After page

Plate CL. Grangsa, the bronze drum, with human-jaw handle 224

CLI. A Bontoc dance— 224

CLIL a Bontoc dance 224

CLIII. Foundation of Lumawig* s house in Bontoc pueblo 224

CLIV. A sacred grove in Bontoc pueblo 224

Page

Figure 1. Spring snare, Kokolang 84

2. Parallel camote beds 96

3. Spiral camote beds 96

4. Bird scarer in rice field 101

5. Stone hammer 126

6. Bamboo spear-shaft dresser 129

7. Ground plan of Mayinit salt house 146

8. Metal earrings 186

9. Recognized phases of the moon '.^. 219

Digitized by

Google

PREFACE

After an expedition of two months in September, October, and Novem-
ber, 1902, among the people of northern Luzon it was decided that the
Igorot of Bontoc pueblo, in the Province of Lepanto-Bontoc, are as typical
of the primitive mountain agriculturist of Luzon as any group visited,
and that ethnologic investigations directed from Bontoc pueblo would
enable the investigator to show the culture of the primitive mountaineer
of Luzon as well as or better than investigations centered elsewhere.

Accompanied by Mrs. Jenks, the writer took up residence in Bontoc
pueblo the 1st of January, 1903, and remained five months. The fol-
lowing data were gathered during that Bontoc residence, the previous
expedition of two months, and a residence of about six weeks among the
Benguet Igorot.

The accompanying illustrations are mainly from photographs. Some
of them were taken in April, 1903, by Hon. Dean C. Worcester, Secretary
of the Interior ; others are the work of Mr. Charles Martin, Government
photographer, and were taken in January, 1903; the others were made
by the writer to supplement those taken by Mr. Martin, whose time was
limited in the area. Credit for each photograph is given with the half-
tone as it appears.

I wish to express my gratitude for the many favors of the only other
Americans living in Bontoc Province during my stay there, namely,
Lieutenant-Qovemor Truman K. Hunt, M. D. ; Constabulary Lieutenant
(now Captain) Elmer A. Eckman; and Mr. William P. Smith, American
teacher.

In the following pages native words have their syllabic divisions shown
by hyphens and their accented syllables and vowels marked in the various
sections wherein the words are considered technically for the first time,
and also in the vocabidary in the last chapter. In all other places they
are unmarked. A later study of the language may show that errors have
been made in writing sentences, since it was not always possible to get a
consistent answer to the question as to what part of a sentence constitutes

Digitized by

Google

14 PREFACE [BTH. 8UBV. 1

a single word, and time was too limited for any extensive language study.
The following alphabet has been used in writing native words :

a as in far; Spanish ramo

{2 as in law; as o in French or
ay as ai in aisle; Spanish hay
ao as ou in out; as au in Spanish auto

6 as in bad; Spanish hajar
c/i as in check; Spanish chico

^ as in dog; Spanish dar

6 as in they; Spanish halU

^ as in then; Spanish comen

f as in fight; Spanish /rmar

^ as in go; Spanish gozar

h ajsin he; Tagalog bafiay

t as in pique; Spanish hijo

IK as in pick

ib as in keen

2 as in lamb; Spanish lente
m as in man; Spanish menos

n as in now; Spanish jabon
ng as in finger; Spanish lengua

0 as in note; Spanish nosotros
oi as in boil

j9 as in poor; Spanish pero

q as c/i in German ich

8 as in sauce; Spanish sordo
ah as in shall; as ch in French charmer

^ as in touch; Spanish tomar

u as in rule; Spanish uno

a aambut

u as in German ktihl

V as in valve; Spanish volver

t^ as in wUl; nearly as cm in French oui

y as in you; Spanish ya

It seems not improper to say a word here regarding some of my com-
monest impressions of the Bontoc Igorot.

Physically he is a clean-limbed, well-built, dark-brown man of medium
stature, with no evidence of degeneracy. He belongs to that extensive stock
of primitive people of which the Malay is the most commonly named.
I do not believe he has received any of his characteristics, as a group,
from either the Chinese or Japanese, though this theory has frequently
been presented. The Bontoc man woidd be a savage if it were not that
his geographic location compelled him to become an agriculturist;
necessity drove him to this art of peace. In everyday life his actions are
deliberate, but he is not lazy. He is remarkably industrious for a primi-
tive man. In his agricultural labors he has strength, determination, and
endurance. On the trail, as a cargador or burden bearer for Amer-
icans, he is patient and uncomplaining, and earns his wage in the
sweat of his brow. His social life is lowly, and before marriage is most

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS]

PREFACE 15

primitive ; but a man has only one wife, to whom he is usually faithful.
The social group is decidedly democratic ; there are no slaves. The people
are neither drunkards, gamblers, nor "sportsmen.'^ There is little
"color^^ in the life of the Igorot; he is not very inventive and seems to
have little imagination. His chief recreation — certainly his most-en-
joyed and highly prized recreation — is head-hunting. But head-hunting
is not the passion with him that it is with many Malay peoples.

His religion is at base the most primitive religion known — animism,
or spirit belief — ^but he has somewhere grasped the idea of one god, and
has made this belief in a crude way a part of his life.

He is a very likable man, and there is little about his primitiveness
that is repulsive. He is of a kindly disposition, is not servile, and is
generally trustworthy. He has a strong sense of humor. He is decidedly
friendly to the American, whose superiority he recognizes and whose
methods he desires to learn. The boys in school are quick and bright,
and their teacher pronounces them superior to Indian and Mexican chil-
dren he has taught in Mexico, Texas, and New Mexico.*

Briefly, I believe in the future development of the Bontoc Igorot for
the following reasons: He has an exceptionally fine physique for his
stature and has no vices to destroy his body. He has courage which no
one who knows him seems ever to think of questioning ; he is industrious,
has a bright mind, and is willing to learn. His institutions — govern-
mental, religious, and social — are not radically opposed to those of
modem civilization — as, for instance, are many institutions of the Mo-
hammedanized people of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago — ^but are
such, it seems to me, as will quite readily yield to or associate themselves
with modem institutions.

I recall with great pleasure the months spent in Bontoc pueblo, and I
have a most sincere interest in and respect for the Bontoc Igorot as a
man.

^The proof sheets of this paper came to me at the Philippine Bxposition, St. Louis,
Mo., July, 1904. At that time Miss Maria del Pilar Zamora, a Plllpino teacher in
charge of the model school at the Exposition, told me the Igorot children are the
brightest and most intelligent of all the Filipino children In the model school. In that
school are children from several tribes or groups, including Christians, Mohammedans,
and pagans.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

PiATE II. SKETCH MAP OF NORTHERN LUZON.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-
z
<
>

2
o

z
o

-I

I-

z
I-

p
o

•s

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
z
<

-I

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate XII. KU-LO-KU'-LO OF MAYINIT PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

INTRODUCTION

The readers of this monograph are familiar with the geographic loca-
tion of the Philippine Archipelago. However, to have the facts clearly
in mind, it will be stated that the group lies entirely within the north
torrid zone, extending from 4° 40' northward to 21° 3' and from 116°
40' to 126° 34' east longitude. It is thus about 1,000 miles from north
to south and 550 miles from east to we&t. The Pacific Ocean washes its
eastern shores, the Sea of Celebes its southern, and the China Sea its
western and northern shores. It is about 630 kilometers, or 400 miles,
from the China coast, and lies due east from French Indo-China. The
Batan group of islands, stretching north of Luzon, has members nearer
Formosa than Luzon. On the southwest Borneo is sighted from Philip-
pine territory,

Briefly, it may be said the Archipelago belongs to Asia — ^geologically,
zoologically, and botanically— rather than to Oceania, and that, appar-
ently, the entire Archipelago has shared a common origin and existence.
There is evidence that it was connected with the mainland by solid earth
in the early or Middle Tertiary. For a long geologic time the land was
low and swampy. At the end of the Eocene a great upheaval occurred ;
there were foldings and crumplings, igneous rock was thrust into the
distorted mass, and the islands were considerably elevated above the sea.
During the latter part of the Tertiary period the lands seem to have
subsided and to have been separated from the mainland.

About the close of the subsidence eruptions began which are continued
to the present by such volcanoes as Taal and Mayon in Luzon and Apo in
Mindanao. No further subsidence appears to have occurred after the
close of the Tertiary, though the gradual elevation beginning then had
many lapses, as is evidenced by the numerous sea beaches often seen one
above the other in horizontal tiers. The elevation continues to-day in
an almost invisible way. The Islands have been greatly enlarged during
the elevation by the constant building of coral around the submerged
shores.

It is believed that man had appeared in the great Malay Archipelago
before this elevation began. It is thought by some that he was in the
15223 2 17

Digitized by

Google

18 INTRODUCTION [bth. suhv. i

Philippines in the later Tertiary, but there are no data as yet throwing
light on this question.

To-day the Archipelago lies like a large net in the natural pathway of
people freeing themselves from the supposed birthplace of the primitive
Malayan stock, namely, from Java, Sumatra, and the adjacent Malay
Peninsula, or, more likely, the larger mainland. It spreads over a large
area, and is well fitted by its numerous islands — some 3,100 — and its
innumerable bays and coastal pockets to catch up and hold a primitive,
seafaring people.

There are and long have been daring Malayan pirates, and there is
to-day among the southern islands a numerous class — ^the Samal — living
most of the time on the sea, yet they all keep close to land, except in time
of calm, and when a storm is brewing they strike out straight for the
nearest shore like scared children. The ocean currents and the monsoons
have been greatly instrumental in driving different people through the
seas into the Philippine net.^ The Tagakola on the west coast of the Gulf
of Davao, Mindanao, have a tradition that they are descendants of men
cast on their present shores from a distant land and of the Manobo
women of the territory. The Bagobo, also in the Gulf of Davao, claim
they came to their present home in a few boats generations ago. They
purposely left their former land to flee from head-hunting, a practice in

^ There are many instaDces on record showing that people have been planted on Pacific
shores many hundred miles from their native land. It seems that the primitive Pacific
islanders have sent people adrift from their shores, thus adding a rational cause to those
many fortuitous causes for the interisland migration of small groups of individuals.

"In 1696, two canoes were driven from Ancarso to one of the Philippine Islands, a dis-
tance of eight hundred miles. They had run before the wind for seventy days together,
sailing from east to west. Thirty-five had embarked, but five had died from the effects of
privation and fatigue during the voyage, and one shortly after their arrival. In 1720,
two canoes were drifted from a remote distance to one of the Marian Islands. Captain
Cook found, in the Island of Wateo Atiu inhabitants of Tahiti, who had been drifted by
contrary wind in a canoe, from some islands to the eastward, unknown to the natives.
Several parties have, within the last few years, (prior to 1834), reached the Tahitian
shores from islands to the eastward, of which the Society Islands had never before heard.
In 1820, a canoe arrived at Maurua, about thirty miles west of Borabora, which had
come from Rurutu, one of the Austral islands. This vessel had been at sea between a
fortnight and three weeks ; and, considering its route, must have sailed seven or eight
hundred miles. A more recent instance occurred in 1824 : a boat belonging to Mr.
Williams of Raiatea left that island with a westerly wind for Tahiti. The wind changed
after the boat was out of sight of land. They were driven to the island of Atiu, a
distance of nearly eight hundred miles in a south-westerly direction, where they were
discovered several months afterwards. Another boat, belonging to Mr. Barff of Huahine,
was passing between that island and Tahiti about the same time, and has never since
been heard of ; and subsequent instances of equally distant and perilous voyages in
canoos or open boats might be cited." — (Ellis) Polynesian Researches, vol. I, p. 126.

"In the year 1799, when Finow, a Friendly Island chief, acquired the supreme power in
that most Interesting group of islands, after a bloody and calamitous civil war, in which
his enemies were completely overpowered, the barbarian forced a number of the vanquished
to embark in their canoes and put to sea ; and during the revolution that issued in the
subversion of paganism in Otaheite, the rebel chiefs threatened to treat the English mis-
sionaries and their families in a similar way. In short, the atrocious practice is, agreeably
to the Scotch laW phrase, "use and wont," in the South Sea Islands." — John Dunmore
Lang, View of the Origin and Migrations of the Polynesian Nation, London, 1834, pp.
62. 63.

Digitized by

Google

JSNK8] INTRODUCTION 19

their earlier home, but one they do not follow in Mindanao. What per
cent of the people coming originally to the Archipelago was castaway,
nomadic, or immigrant it is impossible to judge, but there have doubtless
also been many systematic and prolonged migrations from nearby lands,
as from Borneo, Celebes, Sangir, etc.

Primitive man is represented in the Philippines to-day not alone by
one of the lowest natural types of savage man the historic world has
looked upon — the small, dark-brown, bearded, "crisp-woolly"-haired
Negritos — ^but by some thirty distinct primitive Malayan tribes or dialect
groups, among which are believed to be some of the lowest of the stock
in existence.

In northern Luzon is the Igorot, a typical primitive Malayan. He is a
muscular, smooth-faced, brown man of a type between the delicate and
the coarse. In Mindoro the Mangiyan is found, an especially lowly
Malayan, who may prove to be a true savage in culture. In Mindanao is
the slender, delicate, smooth-faced brown man of which the Subano, in
the western part, is typical. There are the Bagobo and the extensive
Manobo of eastern Mindanao in the neighborhood of the Gulf of Davao,
the latter people following the Agusan River practically to the north
coast of Mindanao. In southeastern Mindanao, in the vicinity of Mount
Apo and also north of the Gulf of Davao, are the Ata. They are a scat-
tered people and evidently a Negrito and primitive Malayan mixture. In
Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, Isabela, and perhaps Principe, of Luzon,
are the Ibilao. They are a slender, delicate, bearded people, with an
artistic nature quite diif erent from any other now known in the island, but
somewhat like that of the Ata of Mindanao. Their artistic wood pro-
ductions suggest the incised work of distant dwellers of the Pacific, as
that of the people of New Guinea, Fiji Islands, or Hervey Islands. The
seven so-called Christian tribes,^ occupying considerable areas in the
coastwise lands and low plains of most of the larger islands of the Archi-
pelago, represent migrations to the Archipelago subsequent to those of
the Igorot and comparable tribes.

The last migrations of brown men into the Archipelago are historic.
The Spaniard discovered the inward flow of the large Samal Moro
group — after his arrival in the sixteenth century. The movement of this
nomadic "Sea Gipsy^' Samal has not ceased to-day, but continues to flow
in and out among the small southern islands.

Besides the peoples here cited there are a score of others scattered
about the Archipelago, representing many grades of primitive culture,

^ The Christianized dialect groups are : Bikol, of southern Luzon and adjacent islands ;
Cagayan, of the Cagayan VaUey of Luzon ; Ilokano, of the west coast of northern Luzon ;
Pampango and Pangasinan, of the central plain of Luzon ; Tagalog. of the central area
south of the two preceding ; and the Visayan, of the central Islands and northern
Mindanao.

Digitized by

Google

20 INTRODUCTION [bth. subv. i

but those mentioned are sufficient to suggest that the Islands have been
very effective in gathering up and holding divers groups of primitive
men.^

^No pretense is now made for permanency either in the classification of the many groups
of primitive people in the Philippines or for the nomenclature of these various groups ; but
the groups of non-Christian people in the Archipelago, as they are to-day styled In a more
or less permanent way by The Ethnological Survey, are as follows : Ata, north and west
of Oulf of Davao in southeastern Mindanao; Batak, of Paragua; Bilan, in the southern
highlands west of Gulf of Davao, Mindanao ; Bagobo. of west coast of Qulf of Davao, Min-
danao ; Bukidnon, of Negros ; Ibilao or Ilongot, of eastern central Luzon ; Igorot. of
northern Luzon ; the Lanao Moro, occupying the central territory of Mindanao between the
Bays of Iligan and I liana, including Lake Lanao ; Maguindanao Moro, extending in a band
southeast from Cotabato, Mindanao, toward Sarangani Bay, including Lakes Liguasan and
Buluan ; Mandaya, of southeastern Mindanao east of Gulf of Davao ; Mangiyan, of Min-
doro : Manobo, probably the most numerous tribe in Mindanao, occupying the valley of
the Agusan River draining northward into Butuan Bay and the extensive table-land west
of that river, besides In isolated territories extending to both the east and west coasts of
the large body of land between Gulf of Davao and Illana Bay ; Negrito, of several areas
of wild mountains in Luzon, Negros, Mindanao, and other smaller islands ; the Sama. of
the islands in Gulf of Davao. Mindanao ; Samal Moro, of scattered coastal areas in southern
Mindanao, besides the eastern and southern islands of the Sulu or Jolo Archipelago ; the
Subano, probably the second largest tribal group in Mindanao, occupying all the mountain
territory west of the narrow neck of land between Illana Bajr and Pangul Bay ; the Sulu
Moro, of Jolo Island ; the Tagabili, on the southern coast of Mindanao northwest of Saran-
gani Bay ; the Tagakola, along the central part of the west coast of Gulf of Davao, Min-
danao; Tagbanua, of Piaragua; Tinguiati, of western northern Luzon; Tiruray, south of
Cotabato. Mindanao; Yakan Moro, in the mountainous interior of Basilan Island, off the
Mindanao coast at Zamboanga. Under the names of these large groups must be included
many more smaller dialect groups whose precise relationship may not now be confidently
stated. For instance, the large Igorot group is composed of many smaller groups of
different dialects besides that of the Bontoc Igorot of which this paper treats.

Digitized by

Google

THE BONTOC IGOROT

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Chapter I

THE IGOROT CULTURE GROUP

IGOROT LAND

Northern liuzon, or Igorot land, is by far the largest area in the Phil-
ippine Archipelago having any semblance of regularity. It is roughly
rectangular in form, extending two and one-half degrees north and south
and two degrees east and west.

There are two prominent geographic features in northern Luzon.
One is the beautifully picturesque mountain system, the Caraballos, the
most important range of which is the Caraballos Occidentales, extending
north and south throughout the western part of the territory. This
range is the famous "Cordillera Central'^ for about three-quarters of its
extent northward, beyond which it is known as "Cordillera del Norte.'^
The other prominent feature is the extensive drainage system of the
eastern part, the Eio Grande de Cagayan draining northward into the
China Sea about two-thirds of the territory of northern Luzon. It is
the largest drainage system and the largest river in the Archipelago.

The surface of northern Luzon is made up of four distinct iypes.
First is the coastal plain — a consistently narrow strip of land, generally
not over 3 or 4 miles wide. The soil is sandy silt with a considerable
admixture of vegetable matter. In some places it is loose, and shifts
readily before the winds; here and there are stretches of alluvial clay
loam. The sandy areas are often covered with cocoanut trees, and the
alluvial deposits along the rivers frequently become beds of nipa palm
as far back as tide water. The plain areas are generally poorly watered
except during the rainy season, having only the streams of the steep
mountains passing through them. These river beds are broad, "quicky,"
impassable torrents in the rainy season, and are shallow or practically
dry during half the year, with only a narrow, lazy thread flowing among
the bowlders.

This plain area on the west coast is the undisputed dwelling place of
the Christian Ilokano, occupying pueblos in Union, Ilokos Sur, and
Ilokos Xorte Provinces. Almost nothing is known of the eastern coastal
plain area. It is believed to be extremely narrow, and has at least one

Digitized by

Google

24 THE BONTOC IGOROT [eth. subv. i

pueblo of Christianized Tagalog — the famous Palanan, the scene of
Aguinaldo's capture.

The second type of surface is the coastal hill area. It extends from
the coastal plain irregularly back to the mountains, and is thought to be
much narrower on the eastern coast than on the western — in fact, it may
be quite absent on the eastern. It is the remains of a tilted plain sloping
seaward from an altitude of about 1,000 feet to one of, say, 100 feet, and
its hilly nature is due to erosion. These hills are generally covered only
with grasses ; the sheltered moister places often produce rank growths of
tall, coarse cogon grass. ^ The soil varies from dark clay loam through
the sandy loams to quite extensile- deposits of coarse gravel. The level
stretches in the hills on the west coast are generally in the possession of
the Christian peoples, though here and there are small pueblos of the
large Igorot group. The Igorot in these pueblos are undergoing trans-
formation, and quite generally wear clothing similar to that of the
Ilokano.

The third type of surface is the mountain country — the "temperate
zone, of the Tropics" ; it is the habitat of the Igorot From the western
coastal hill area the mountains rise abruptly in parallel ranges lying in a
general north and south direction, and they subside only in the foothills
west of the great level bottom land bordering the Rio Grande de Cagayan.
The Cordillera Central is as fair and about as varied a mountain country
as the tropic sun shines on. It has mountains up which one may climb
from tropic forest jungles into open, pine-forested parks, and up again
into the dense tropic forest, with its drapery of vines, its varied hanging
orchids, and its graceful, lilting fern trees. It has mountains forested
to the upper rim on one side with tropic jungle and on the other with
sturdy pine trees; at the crest line the children of the Tropics meet and
intermingle with those of the temperate zone. There are gigantic, roll-
ing, bare backs whose only covering is the carpet of grass periodically
green and brown. There are long, rambling, skeleton ranges with here
and there pine forests gradually creeping up the sides to the crests.
There are solitary volcanoes, now extinct, standing like things pur-
posely let alone when nature humbled the surrounding earth. There are
sculptured lime rocks, cities of them, with gray hovels and mansions and
cathedrals.

The mountains present one interesting geologic feature. The "hiker"
is repeatedly delighted to find his trail passing quite easily from one
peak or ascent to another over a natural connecting embankment. On
either side of this connecting ridge is the head of a deep, steep-walled
canyon ; the ridge is only a few hundred feet broad at base, and only half
a dozen to twenty feet wide at the top. These ridges invariably have the
appearance of being composed of soft eartli, and not of rock. They are

^Imperata arundicca.

Digitized by

Google

JENKs] THE MOUNTAINS 25

appreciated by the primitive man, who takes advantage of them as of
bridges.

The monjitains are well watered ; the summits of most of the mountains
have perpetual springs of pure, cool waters. On the very tops of some
there are occasional perpetual water holes ranging - from 10 to 100
feet across. These holes have neither surface outlet nor inlet; there are
two such within two hours of Bontoc pueblo. They are the favorite
wallowing places of the carabao, the so-called "water buffalo/^ ^ both the
wild and the half-domesticated animals.

The mountain streams are generally in deep gorges winding in and
out between the sharp folds of the mountains. Their beds are strewn
with bowlders, often of immense size, which have withstood the wearing
of waters and storms. During the rainy season the streams racing
between the bases of two mountain ridges are maddened torrents. Some
streams, bom and fed on the very peaks, tumble 100, 500, even 1,500 feet
over precipices, landing white as snow in the merciless torrent at the
mountain base. During the dry season the rivers are fordable at fre-
quent intervals, but during the rainy season, beginning in the Cordillera
Central in June and lasting well through October, even the natives
hesitate often for a week at a time to cross them.

The absence of lakes is noteworthy in the mountain country of north-
ern Luzon — in fact, in all of northern Luzon. The two large lakes fre-
quently shown on maps of Cagayan Province, one east and one west of
the Eio Grande de Cagayan near the eighteenth parallel, are not known
to exist, though it is probable there is sonic foundation for the Span-
iards' belief in the existence of at least the eastern one. In the bottom
land of the Eio Grande de Cagayan, about six hours west of Cabagan
Nuevo, near the provincial border of Cagayan and Isabela, there were a
hundred acres of land covered with shallow water the last of October,
1902, just at the end of the dry season of the Cagayan Valley. The
surface was well covered with rank, coarse grasses and filled with aquatic
plants, especially with lilies. Apparently the waters were slowly reced-
ing, since the earth about the margins was supporting the short, coarse
grasses that tell of the gradual drying out of soils once covered with
water. In the mountains near Sagada, Bontoc Province, there is a very
small lake, and one or two others have been reported at Bontoc ; but the
mountains must be said to be practically lakeless.

Another mountain range of northern Luzon, of which practically no
details are known, is the Sierra Madre, extending nearly the full length
of the country close to tlie eastern coast. It seems to be an unbroken,
continuous range, and, as such, is the longest mountain range in the
Archipelago.

The fourth type of surface is the level areas. These areas lie mainly
along the river courses, and vary from a few rods in width to the valley

^Bubalus kerabau ferus (Nehring).

Digitized by

Google

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[ETH. 8UBV. 1

of the Kio Grande de Cagayan, which is often 50 miles in width, and
probably more. There are, besides these river valleys, varying tracts of
level plains which may most correctly be termed mountain table-lands.
The limited mountain valleys and table-lands are the immediate home of
the Igorot. The valleys are worn by the streams, and, in turn, are built
up, leveled, and enriched by the sand and alluvium deposited annually
by the floods. They are generally open, grass-covered areas, though some
have become densely forested since being left above the high water of
the streams.

The broad valley of the Rio Grande de Cagayan is not occupied by the
Igorot. It is too poorly watered and forested to meet his requirements.
It is mainly a vast pasture, supporting countless deer; along the foothills
and the forest-grown creek and river bottoms there are many wild hogs;
and in some areas herds of wild carabaos and horses are found. Near
the main river is a numerous population of Christians. Many are Ilo-
kano imported originally by the tobacco companies to carry on the large
tobacco plantations of the valley, and the others are the native Cagayan.

The table-lands were once generally forested, but to-day many are
deforested, undulating, beautiful pastures. Some were cleared by the
Igorot for agriculture, and doubtless others by forest fires, such as one
constantly sees during the dry season destroying the moyntain forests
of northern Luzon.

General observations have not been made on the temperature and
humidity of much of the mountain country of northern Luzon. How-
ever, scientific observations have been made and recorded for a series of
about ten years at Baguio, Benguet Province, at an altitude of 4,777
feet, and it is from the published data there gathered that the following
facts are gained.* The temperature and rainfall are the average means
deduced from many years' observations :

Month

Mean

Number

temper-

of rainy

Rainfan

ature

days

January 63,5

I'ebruarj- 62.1

March _ , 66.9

April 70.5

May _. 68.3

June 67.2

July 66.5

August „ 64.6

September 67.0

October 67.0

November _. 68.2

December __' 66.0

Inches

0.06

.57

1.46

.32

4.02

12.55

•26

14.43

37.03

11.90

4.95

2.52

5.47

^ Pages 72-74 of the Report of the Director of the Philippine Weather Bureau. 1901-1902 :
Part First, The Climate of Baguio (Benguet), by Rev. Fr. Jos* AIgu6, S. J. (Manila.
Observatory Printing Office. 1902.)

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] MEANING OF WORD I60R0T 27

It is seen that April ia the hottest month of the year and February is
the coldest. The absolute lowest temperature r^orded is 42.10*^ Fahren-
heit, noted February 18, 1902. Of course the temperature varies con-
siderably— a fact due largely to altitude and prevailing winds. The
height of the rainy season is in August, during which it rains every day,
with an average precipitation of 37.03 inches. Baguio is known as much
rainier than many other places in the Cordillera Central, yet it must be
taken as more or less typical of the entire mountain area of northern
Luzon, throughout which the rainy season is very uniform. Usually
the days of the rainy season are beautiful and clear during the forenoon,
but all-day rains are not rare, and each season has two or three storms of
pelting, driving rain which continues without a break for four or five
days.

lOOROT PEOPLES

In several languages of northern Luzon the word " Ig-o-rot' '^ means
"mountain people." Dr. Pardo de Tavera says the word "Igorrote" is
composed of the root word "golot," meaning, in Tagalog, "mountain
chain,'^ and the prefix "i," meaning "dweller in'^ or "people of." Morga
in 1609 used the word as "Igolot;" early Spaniards also used the word
frequently as "Ygolotes" — and to-day some groups of the Igorot, as the
Bontoc group, do not pronounce the "r'^ sound, which common usage
now puts in the word. The Spaniards applied the term to the wild
peoples of present Benguet and Lepanto Provinces, now a short-haired,
peaceful people. In after years its conmion application spread eastward
to the natives of the comandancia of Quiangan, in the present Province
of Nueva Vizcaya, and northward to those of Bontoc.

The word " Ig-o-rot' " is now adopted tentatively as the name of the
extensive primitive Malayan people of noi'them Luzon, because it is
applied to a very large number of the mountain people by themselves and
also has a recognized usage in ethnologic and other writings. Its
form as " Ig-o-rot' " is adopted for both singular and plural, because it is
both natural and phonetic, and, because, so far as it is possible to do so,
it is thought wise to retain the simple native forms of such words as it
seems necessary or best to incorporate in our language, especially in
scientific language.

The sixteenth degree of north latitude cuts across Luzon probably
as far south as any people of the Igorot group are now located. It is
Ijelieved they occupy all the mountain country northward in the island
except the territory of the Ibilao in the southeastern part of the area
and some of the most inaccessible mountains in eastern Luzon, which are
occupied by Negritos.

There are from 150,000 to 225,000 Igorot in Igorot land. The census
of the Archipelago taken in 1903 will give the number as about 185,000.
In the northern part of Pangasinan Province, the 8outhwest(Tn part of

Digitized by

Google

28 THE BONTOC IGOROT [kth. surv. i

the territory, there are reported about 3,150 pagan people under various
local names, as "Igorrotes,^* "Infieles" [pagans], and "Nuevos Chris-
tianos/^ In Benguet Province there are some 23,000, commonly known as
*^Benguet Igorrotes/^ In Union Province there are about 4,400 primitive
people, generally called "Igorrotes/^ Ilokos Sur has nearly 8,000, half
of whom are known to history as "Tinguianes" and half as ^TLgqrrotes/^
The Province of Ilokos Norte has nearly 9,000, which number is divided
quite Qvenly between "Igorrotes," "Tinguianes,^' and "Infieles/' Abra
Province has in round numbers 13,500 pagan Malayans, most of whom
are historically known as "Alzados" and "Tinguianes." These Tinguian
ethnically belong to the great Igorot group, and in northern Bontoc
Province, where they are known as Itneg, flow into and are not distin-
guishable from the Igorot; but no effort is made in this monograph to cut
the Tinguian asunder from the position they have gained in historic and
ethnologic writings as a separate people. The Province of Lepanto-
Bontoc has, according to records, about 70,500 "Igorrotes,^^ "Tinguianes,"
and "Caylingas,^^ but I believe a more careful census will show it has
nearer 100,000. Nueva Ecija is reported to have half a hundred "Tin-
guianes." The Province of Nueva Vizcaya has some 46,000 people
locally and historically known as "Bunnayans," a large group in the
Spanish comandancia of Quiangan; the "Silapanes," also a large group
of people closely associated with the Bunayan; the Isinay, a small
group in the southern part of the province; the Alamit, a considerable
group of Silipan people dwelling along the Alamit River in the coman-
dancia of .Quiangan; and the small Ayangan group of the Bunayan
people of Quiangan. Cagayan Province has about 11,000 "Caylingas^^
and "Ipuyaos.^^ Isabela Province is reported as having about 2,700
primitive Malayans of the Igorot group; they are historically known as
"Igorrotes,'' "Gaddanes,'' "Calingas,'' and "Ifugaos.^^

The following forms of the above names of different dialect groups
of Ig-o-rot' have been adopted by The Ethnological Survey : Tin-gui-an',
Ka-lin'-ga, Bun-a-yan', I-sa-nay', A-la'-mit, Sfl-i-pan', Ay-an'-gan,
I-pu-kao', and Gad-an'.

It is believed that all the mountain people of the northern half of
Luzon, except the Negritos, came to the island in some of the earliest
of the movements that swept the coasts of the Archipelago from the south
and spread over the inland areas — succeeding waves of people, having
more culture, driving their cruder blood fellows farther inland. Though
originally of one blood, and though they are all to-day in a similar broad
culture-grade — that is, all are mountain agriculturists, and all are, or
until recently have been, head-hunters — ^yet it does not follow that the
Igorot groups have to-day identical culture; quite the contrary is true.
There are many and wide differences even in important cultural expres-
sions which are due to environment, long isolation, and in some cases to

Digitized by

Google

jKNKs] DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CULTURE GROUPS 29

ideas and processes borrowed from different neighboring peoples. Very
misleading statements have sometimes been made in regard to the
Igorot — customs from different groups have been jumbled together in one
description until a man has been pictured who can not be found anywhere.
All except the most general statements are worse than wasted unless a
particular group is designated.

An illustration of some of the differences between groups of typical
Igorot will make this clearer. I select as examples the people of Bontoc
and the adjoining Quiangan district in northern Nueva Vizcaya Province,
both of whom are commonly known as Igorot. It must be noted that
the people of both areas are practically unmodified by modem culture
and both are constant head-hunters. With scarcely one exception Bontoc
pueblos are single clusters of buildings ; in Banawi pueblo of the Quian-
gan area there are eleven separate groups of dwellings, each group
situated on a prominence which may be easily protected by the inhab-
itants against an enemy below them; and other Quiangan pueblos are
siniilarly built. As will be brought out in succeeding chapters, the social
and political institutions of the two peoples differ widely. In Bontoc
the head weapon is a battle-ax, in Quiangan it is a long knife. Most of
the head-hunting practices of the two peoples are different, especially as
to the disposition of the skulls of the victims. Bontoc men wear their
hair long, and have developed a small pocket-hat to confine the hair and
contain small objects carried about ; the men of Quiangan wear their hair
short, have nothing whatever of the nature of the pocket-hat, but have
developed a unique hand bag which is used as a pocket. In the Quiangan
area a highly conventionalized wood-carving art has developed — ^beautiful
eating spoons with figures of men and women carved on the handles and
food bowls cut in animal figures are everywhere found ; while in Bontoc
only the most crude and artless wood carving is made. In language
there is such a difference that Bontoc men who accompanied, me into the
northern part of the large Quiangan area, only a long day frbm Bontoc
pueblo, could not converoe with Quiangan men, even about such com-
mon things as travelers in a strange territory need to learn.

It is because of the many differences in cultural expressions between
even small and neighboring communities of the primitive people of the
Philippine Archipelago that I wish to be understood in this paper as
speaking of the one group — the Bontoc Igorot culture group; a group
however, in every essential typical of the numerous Igorot peoples of the
mountains of northern Luzon.

Digitized by

Google

Chapter II

THE BONTOC CULTURE GROUP

BONTOC CULTURE AREA

The Bontoc culture area nearly equals the old Spanish Distrito
Politico-Militar of Bontoc, presented to the American public in a
Government publication in 1900.^

The Spanish Bontoc area was estimated about 4,500 square kilometers.
This was probably too large an estimate, and it is undoubtedly an over-
estimate for the Bontoc culture area, the northern border of which is
farther south than the border ^ the Spanish Bontoc area.

The area is well in the center of nori^hern Luzon and is cut oflE by
watersheds from other territory, except on the northeast. The most
prominent of these watersheds is Polls Mountain, extending along the
eastern and southern sides of the area; it is supposed to reach a height
of over 7,000 feet. The western watershed is an undifferentiated range
of the Cordillera Central. To the north stretches a large area of the
present Province of Bontoc, though until 1903 most of that north-
em territory was embraced in the Province of Abra. The Province of
Isabela lies to the east; Nueva Vizcaya and Lepanto border the area on
the south, and Lepanto and Abra border it on the west.

The Bontoc culture area lies entirely in the moimtains, and, with the
exception of two pueblos, it is all drained northeastward into the Rio
Grande de Cagayan by one river, the Rio Chico de Cagayan; but the
Rio Sibbu, coursing more directly eastward, is a considerable stream.

To-day one main trail enters Bontoc Province. It was originally built
by the Spaniards, and enters Bontoc pueblo from the southwest, leading
up from Cervantes in Lepanto Province. From Cervantes there are two
trails to the coast. One passes southward through Baguio in Benguet
Province and then stretches westward, terminating on the coast at San
Fernando, in Union Province. The other, the one most commonly trav-
eled to Bontoc, passes to the northwest, terminating on the coast at
Candon, in the Province of Tlokos Sur. The main trail, entering Bontoc

^Map No. 7 In the Atlas of the Philippine Islands. (Washington, Government Printing
Offlce, 1900.)
30

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] THE TRAIL 31

from Cervantes, passes through the pueblo and extends to the nortlieast,
quite closely following the trend of the Chico River. In Spanish times
it was seldom traveled farther than Basao, but several parties of
Americans have been over it as far as the Eio Grande de Cagayan
since November, 1902. A second trail, also of Spanish origin, but now
practically unused, enters the area from the south and^connects Bontoc
pueblo, its northern terminus, with the valley of the Magat River far
south. It passes tiirough the pueblos of Bayambang, Quiangan, and
Banawi, in the Province of Nueva Vizcaya.

The main trail is to-day passable for a horseman from the coast ter-
minus to Tinglayan, three days beyond Bontoc pueblo. Practically all
other trails in the area are simply wild footpaths of the Igorot. Candon,
the coast terminus of the main trail, lies in the coastal plain area about
H miles from the sea. From the coast to the small pueblo of Concepcion
at the western base of the Cordillera Central is a half-day's journey.
The first half of the trail passes over flat land, with here and there
small pueblos surrounded by rice sementeras. There are almost no
forests. The latter half is through the coastal hill area, and the trail
frequently passes through small forests; it crosses several rivers, dan-'
gerous to ford in the rainy season, and winds in and out among attractive
hills bearing clumps of graceful, plume-like bamboo.

From Concepcion the trail leads up the mountain to Tilud Pass, his-
toric since the insurrection because of the brave stand made there by the
young, ill-fated General del Pilar. The climb to Tilud Pass, from either
side of the mountain, is one of the longest and most tedious in northern
Luzon. The trail frequently turns short on itself, so that the front and
rear parts of a pack train are traveling face to face, and one end is not
more than eight or ten rods above the other on the side of the mountain.
The last view of the sea from the Candon-Bontoc trail is obtained at
Tilud Pass. From Concepcion to Angaki, at the base of the mountain on
the eastern side of the pass, the trail is about half a day long. From the
pass it is a ceaseless drop down the steep mountain, but affords the most
charming views of mountain scenery in northern Luzon. The shifting
direction of the turning trail and the various altitudes of the traveler
present constantly changing scenes — mountains and mountains ramble
on before one. From Angaki to Cervantes the trail passes over defor-
ested rolling mountain land, with safe drinking water in only one small
spring. Many travelers who pass that part of the journey in the middle
of the day complain loudly of the heat and thirst experienced there.

Cervantes, said to be 70 miles from Candon, is the capital of the dual
Province of Lepanto-Bontoc. Bontoc pueblo lies inland only about 35
miles farther, but the greater part of two days is usually required to
reach it. Twenty minutes will carry a horseman down the bluff from
Cervantes, across the swift Abra — if the stream is fordable — and start
him on the eastward mountain climb.

Digitized by

Google

32 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. surv. i

The first pueblo beyond Cervantes is Cay an, the old Spanish capital
of the district. About twenty-five years ago the site was changed from
Cayan to Cervantes because there was not suflBcient suitable land at
Cayan. Cayan is about four hours from Cervantes, and every foot of the
trail is up the mountain. A short distance beyond Cayan the trail
divides to rejoin only at the outskirts of Bontoc pueblo; but the right-
hand or ''^lower" trail is not often traveled by horsemen. Up and up the
mountain one climbs from about 1,800 feet at Cervantes to about 6,000
feet among the pines, and then slowly descends, having crossed the
boundary line between Lepanto and Bontoc subprovinces to the pueblo
of Bagnen — ^the last one before the Bontoc culture area is entered. It
is customary to spend the night on the trail, as one goes into Bontoc,
either at Bagnen or at Sagada, a pueblo about two hours farther on.

Only along the top of the high mountain, before Bagnen is reached,
does the trail pass through a forest — otherwise it is always climbing up
or winding about the mountains deforested probably by firds. Prac-
ticaUy all the immediate territory on the right hand of the trail between
Bagnen and Sagada is occupied by the beautifully terraced rice sementeras
of Balugan ; the valley contains more than a thousand acres so cultivated.
At Sagada lime rocks — some eroded into gigantic, massive forms, others
into fantastic spires and domes — everywhere crop out from the grassy
hills. Up and down the mountains the trail leads, passing another small
pine forest near Ankiling and Titipan, about four hours from Bontoc,
and then creeps on and at last through the terraced entrance way into
the mountain pocket where Bontoc pueblo lies, about 100 miles from the
western coast, and, by Grovemment aneroid barometer, about 2,800 feet

above the sea.

MARKS OF BONTOC CULTURE

It is diflScult and often impossible to state the essential difference in
culture which distinguishes one group of people from another. It is
more difficult to draw lines of distinction, for the culture of one group
almost imperceptibly flows into that of another adjoining it.

However, two fundamental institutions of the people of Bontoc seem
to differ from those of most adjoining people. One of these institutions
has to do with the control of the pueblo. Bontoc has not developed the
headman — ^the "principal" of the Spaniard, the "Bak-nan'" of the
Benguet Igorot — the one rich man who becomes the pueblo leader. In
Benguet Province the headman is found in every pueblo, and he is so
powerful that he often dominates half a dozen outlying barrios to the
extent that he receives a large share, often one-half, of the output of all
the productive labors of the barrio. Immediately north of the Bontoc
area, in Tinglayan, the headman is again found. He has no place what-
ever in Bontoc. The control of the pueblos of the Bontoc area is in the
hands of groups of old men ; however, each group, called "intugtukan,"

Digitized by

Google

-J

<
u.
O

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

<
6

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

-J
CO
Ui
3
OL

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

PlAT€ XVI. yOUNQ WOMEN OF BONTOC PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

CD
Ui

3
OL

Z
<

X
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.
Plate XX. sTt-LI'-nTn OF BONTOC PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate XXI. pTt-TA'-PIT OF BONTOC PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate XXII. QIRL8 OF BONTOC PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate XXIII. BLIND WOMAN OF BONTOC PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] BONTOO CULTURE 33

operates only within a single political and geographic portion of the
pueblo, so that no one group has in charge the control of the pueblo.
The pueblo is a loose federation of smaller political groups.

The other institution is a social development. It is the olag, an insti-
tution of trial marriage. It is not known to exist among adjoining people,
but is found throughout the area in which the intugtukan exists; they
are apparently coextensive. I was repeatedly informed that the olag
is not foimd in the Banawi area south of Bontoc, or in the Tinglayan
area east, or among the Tinguian to the north, or in Benguet f ar south-
west, or in Lepanto immediately southwest — ^though I have some reason
to believe that both the intugtukan and olag exist in a crumbling way
among certain Lepanto 'Igorot.

Besides these two institutions there are other diflfering marks of
culture between the Bontoc area and adjoining people. Some of these
were suggested a few pages back, others will appear in following pages.

Without doubt the limits of the spread of the common culture have
been determined mainly by the physiography of the country. One of
the two pueblos in the area not on the common drainage system is Lias,
but Lias was largely built by a migration from Bontoc pueblo — the hot-
bed of Bontoc culture. Barlig, the other pueblo not on the common
drainage system (both Barlig and Lias are on the Sibbu Eiver), lies
between Lias and the other pueblos of the Bontoc culture area, and so
naturally has been drawn in line and held in line with the culture of the
geographic area in which it is located — its institutions are those of
its environment.

THE BONTOC MAN

INTllODUCTION

The Bontoc Igorot has been in Bontoc longer than the endurance of
tradition, for he says he never lived elsewhere, that he never drove any
people out before him, and that he was never driven; and has always
called himself the ^'I-pu-kao'" or "I-fu-gao'^'— the "people."

This word for people survives not only throughout the Province of
Bontoc but far toward the northern end of Luzon, where it appears as
'^Apayao'^ or ^TTaos." Bontoc designates the people of the Quiangan
region as '^I-fu-gao'," though a part of them at least have a different
name for themselves.

The Bontoc Igorot have their center in the pueblo of Bontoc, pro-
nounced "Ban-tak'," a Spanish corruption of the Igorot name "Fun-tak',"
a common native word for mountain, the original name of the pueblo.
To the northwest their culture extends to that of the historic Tinguian,
a long-haired folk physiographically cut off by a watershed. To the east
of the Cordillera Central the Tinguian call themselves "Tt-neg'." To the
15223 3

Digitized by

Google

34 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth. bubv. i

northeast the Bontoc culture area embraces the pueblo of Basao, stop-
ping short of Tinglayan. The eastern limit of Bontoc culture is fixed by
the pueblos of Lias and Barlig, and is thus about coextensive with the
province. Southward the area includes all to the top of the watershed
of Polls Mountain, which turns southward the numerous streams feeding
the Eio Magat. The pueblos south of this watershed — Lubong, Gisang,
Banawi, etc. — ^belong to the short-haired people of Quiangan culture. To
the west Bontoc culture extends to the watershed of the Cordillera Cen-
tral, which turns westward the various affluents of the Rio del Abra. On
the southwest this cuts oflf the short-haired Lepanto Igorot, whose cul-
ture seems to be more allied to that of Benguet than Bontoc.

The men of the Bontoc area know none of the peoples by whom they
are surrounded by the names history gives or the peoples designate them-
selves, with the exception of the Lepanto Igorot, the It-nSg', and the
Ilokano of the west coast. They do not know the "Tinguian" of Abra
on their north and northwest by that name; they call them "It-nSg'."
Farther north are the people called by the Spaniards "Nabayuganes,'^
"Aripas,** and "Ipugaos f to the northeast and east are the "Caylingas,^^
"Comunanges,'^ ^^ayabonanes,*^ "Dayags,'^ and "Gaddannes" — ^but Bon-
toc knows none of these names. Bontoc culture and Kalinga culture lie
close together on the east, and the people of Bontoc pueblo name all their
eastern neighbors It-n5g' — ^the same term they apply to the Tinguian to
the west and northwest, because, they say, they all wear great quantities of
brass on the arms and legs. To the south of Bontoc are the Quiangan
Igorot, the Banawi division of which, at least, names itself May^-yo-yet,
but whom Bontoc calls "I-fu-gao'.^^ They designate the people of Ben-
guet the "Igorot of Benguet," but these peoples designate themselves
"Ib-a-loi'" in the northern part, and 'TCan-ka-nay'^^ in the southern part,
neither of which names Bontoc knows.

She has still another set of names for the people surrounding her —
people whom she vaguely knows are there but of whom or of whose
lands she has no first-hand knowledge. The people to the north are
"Am-yan'-an," and the northern country is *TL*a'-god." The "Day'-ya"
are the eastern people, while ^^ar'-Kg^^ is the name of the eastern and
southeastern land. "Ab-a-ga'-tan'^ are the people of the south, and
"Fi'-l!g ab-a-ga'-tan" is the south land. The people of the west are
'T>)a'-od," and "Fi'-lig lao'-od,'' or "Lo'-ko" (the Provinces of Ilokos
Norte and Ilokos Sur) is the country lying to the west and southwest.

Some of the old men of Bontoc say that in the past the Igorot people
once extended to the seacoast in the Provinces of Ilokos Norte and Ilokos
Sur. This, of course, is a tradition of the prehistoric time before the
Ilokano invaded northern Luzon; but, as has been stated, the Bontoc
people claim never to have been driven by that invasion, neither have
they any knowledge of such a movement. It is not improbable, how-

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] THE HISTORICAL PERIOD 35

ever, that traditions of the invasion may linger with the people nearer the
coast and farther north.

HISTORICAL SKETCH

It is regretted that the once voluminous historical records and data
which the Spaniards prepared and kept at Bontoc were burned — tons of
paper, they say — ^probably late in 1898 or early in 1899 by Captain
Angels, an insurrecto. However, from scanty printed historical data,
but mostly from information gathered in Bontoc from Igorot and res-
ident Ilokano, the following brief sketch is presented, with the hope that
it will show the nature of the outside influences which have been about
Bontoc for the past half century prior to American occupation. It is
believed that the data are suflBciently truthful for this purpose, but no
claim is made for historical accuracy.

It seems that in 1666 the Spanish governor of the Philippines,
Governor-General D. Diego de Salcedo, sent an expedition from Manila
into nori;hem Luzon. Some time during the three years the expedition
was out its influence was felt in Fidelisan and Tanolang, two pueblos in
the western part of the Bontoc culture area, for history says they paid
tribute.^ It is not probable that any considerable party from the
expediticm penetrated the Igorot mountain country as far as the above
pueblos.

After the year 1700 expeditions occasionally reached Cayan, which,
until about twenty-five years ago, as has been stated, was a Spanish
capital. In 1852 the entire territory of present Lepanto-Bontoc and
a large part of northern Nueva Vizcaya were organized as an independent
"distrito,^' imder the name of "Valle de Cayan;"* and a few years later,
though the author does not give the date, Bontoc was established as an
independent ^'distrito.^^

The Spaniards and Ilokano in and about Bontoc Province say that
it was about fifty years ago that the Spaniards first came to Bontoc.
The time agrees very accurately with the time of the establishment of
the district. From then until 1899 there was a Spanish garrison of
200 or 300 men stationed in Bontoc pueblo. Christian Ilokano from
the west coast of northern Luzon and the Christian Tagalog from Manila
and vicinity were the soldiers.

The Spanish comandante of the "distrito," the head of the political-
military government, resided there, and there were also a few Spanish
army oflScers and an army chaplain. A large garrison was quartered
in Cervantes; there was -a church in both Bontoc and Cervantes. In
the district of Bontoc there was a Spanish post at Sagada, between the

^R. P. Fr. Angel Perez, Igorrotes, Bstudio Qeogr&flco y Btnogr&fico. etc. (ManUa,
1902), p. 7.
»0p. clt, p. 29.

Digitized by

Google

36 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth. subv. i

two capitals, Bontoc and Cervantes. Farther to the east was a post at
Tuknkan and Sakasakan, and farther east, at Basao, there was a post, a
church, and a priest.

Most of the pueblos had Ilokano presidentes. The Igorot say that
the Spaniards did little for them except to shoot them. There is yet
a long, heavy wooden stock in Bontoc pueblo in which the Igorot were
imprisoned. Igorot women were made the mistresses of both officers
and soldiers. Work, food, fuel, and lumber were not always paid for.
All persons 18 or more years old were required to pay an annual tax of
50 cents or an equivalent value in rice. A day's wage was only 5 cents,
so each family was required to pay an equivalent of twenty days' labor
annually. In wild towns the principal men were told to bring in so
many thousand bunches of palay — the imthreshed rice. If it was not
all brought in, the soldiers frequently went for it, accompanied by
Igorot warriors; they gathered up the rice, and sometimes burned the
entire pueblo. Apad, the principal man of Tinglayan, was confined six
years in Spanish jails at Bontoc and Vigan because he repeatedly failed
to compel his people to bring in the amount of palay assessed them.

They say there were three small guardhouses on the outskirts of
Bontoc pueblo, and armed Igorot from an outside town were not allowed
to enter. They were disarmed, and came and went under guard.

The Spanish comaudantes in charge of the province seem to have
remained only about two years each. Saldero was the last one. Early
in the eighties of the nineteenth century the comandante took his
command to Barlig, a day east of Bontoc, to punish that town because
it had killed people in Tulubin and Samoki ; Barlig all but exterminated
the command — only three men escaped to tell the tale. Mandicota, a
Spanish officer, went from Manila with a battalion of 1,000 soU^i^to
erase Barlig from the map ; he was also accompanied- f ronv Bttitoc by
800 warriors from that vicinity. The Barlig people fled tothe moun-
tains, losing only seven men, whose heads the Bontoc Igorot cut off aild
brought home. J

Comandante Villameres is reported to hav^taken twenty soldiers
and about 520 warriors of Bontoc and SamokiMx) pimish Tukukan for
killing a Samoki woman; the warriors returned with three heads.

They say that in 1891 Comandante Alfaro took 40 soldiers and 1,000
warriors from the vicinity of Bontoc to Ankiling; sixty heads adorned
the triumphant return of the warriors.

In 1893 Nevas is said to have taken 100 soldiers and 500 warriors
to Sadanga; they brought back one head.

A few years later Saldero went to "clear up" rebellious Sagada with
soldiers and Igorot warriors ; Bontoc reports that the warriors returned
with 100 heads.

The insurrectos appeared before Cer\'ante8 two or three months after

Digitized by

Google

JBNKs] THE HISTORICAL PERIOD 37

Saldero's bloody work in Sagada. The Spanish garrison fled before the
insurrectos; the Spanish civilians went with them, taking their flocks
and herds to Bontoc. A thousand pesos was the price offered by the
Igorot of Sagada to the insurrectos for Saldero^s head when the Phil-
ippine soldiers passed through the pueblo; but Saldero made good his
escape from Bontoc, and left the country by boat from Vigan.

The Bontoc Igorot assisted the insurrectos in many ways when they
first came. About 2 miles west of Bontoc is a Spanish rifle pit, and
there the Spanish soldiers, now swelled to about 600 men, lay in wait
for the insurrectos. There on two hilltops an historic sham battle
occurred. The two forces were nearly a mile apart, and at that distance
they exchanged rifle bullets three days. The Spaniards finally surren-
dered, on condition of safe escort to the coast. For fifty years they had
conquered their enemy who were armed only with spear and ax; but
the insurrectos were artned with guns. However, the really hard pressing
came from the rear — ^there were still the ax and spear — ^and few soldiers
from cuartel or trench who tried to bring food or water for the fighting
men ever reported why they were delayed.

The feeling of friendship between the Igorot and insurrectos was so
strong that when the insurrectos asked the Igorot to go to Manila to
fight the new enemy (the Americans), 400 warriors, armed only with spear,
battle-ax, and shield, went a three weeks^ journey to get American heads.
At Caloocan, just outside Manila, they met the American Army early in
February, 1899. They threw their spears, the Americans fired their
guns — "which must be brothers to the thimder," the Igorot said — and
they let fall their remaining weapons, and, panic stricken, started home.
All but thirteen arrived in safety. They are not ashamed of their defeat
and retreat; they made a mistake when they went to fight the Americans,
and they were quick to see it They are largely blessed with the saving
sense of humor, and some of the warriors who were at Caloocan have
been known to say that they never stopped running until they arrived
home.

When these men told their people in Bontoc what part they and the
insurrectos played in the fight against the Americans, the tension between
the Igorot and insurrectos was at its greatest. The insurrectos were
evidently worse than the Spaniards. They did all the things the
Spaniards had done, and more — they robbed through falsehood. Conse-
quently, insurrectos frequently lost their heads.

Major Marsh went through Bontoc close after Aguinaldo in December,
1899. The Igorot befriended the Americans; they brought them food
and guided them faithfully along the bewildering mountain trails when
the insurrectos split and scattered — anjrwhere, everywhere, fleeing east-
ward, northward, southward, in the mountains.

When Major Marsh returned through Bontoc, after following

Digitized by

Google

38 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. sukv. i

Aguinaldo into the heart of the Quiangan area, he left in the pueblo
some sixty shoeless men under a volunteer lieutenant. The lieutenant
promptly appointed an Ilokano presidente, vice-presidente, secretary,
and police force in Bontoc and also in Sagada, and when the soldiers
left in a few weeks he gave seven guns to the "officials^^ in Bontoc
and two to those in Sagada. A short time proved that those "offi-
cials^^ were untrustworthy men; many were insurrectos who had dropped
behind Aguinaldo. They persecuted the Igorot even worse than had
the insurrectos. They seemed to have the American Army behind
them — and the Igorot stood in awe of American arms.

The crisis came. An Igorot obtained possession of one of the guns,
and the Ilokano chief of police was killed and his corporal wounded.

This shooting, at the time apparently unpremeditated, but, in reality,
carefully planned and successfully executed, was the cause of the arrival
in Bontoc pueblo of the first American civilians. At that time a party
of twenly Americans was at Fidelisan, a long day northwest of Bontoc;
they were prospecting and sightseeing. The Ilokano sent these men
a letter, and the Igorot sent a messenger, begging them to come to the
help of the pueblo. Three men went on August 27, 1900; they were
Truman K. Hunt, M. D., Mr. Prank Finley, and Mr. Riley. The
disagreement was settled, and several Ilokano families left Bontoc imder
the protection of Mr. Riley.

August 9, 1901, when the Board of Health for the Philippine Islands
was organized. Dr. Hunt, who had remained in Bontoc most of the
preceding year, was appointed "superintendent of public vaccination and
inspection of infectious diseases for the Provinces of Bontoc and
Lepanto.^^ He was stationed at Bontoc. About that time another
American civilian came to the province — Mr. Reuben H. Morley, now
secretary-treasurer of the Province of Nueva Vizcaya, who lived nearly a
year in Tulubin, two hours from Bontoc. December 14 Mr. William F.
Smith, an American teacher, was sent to Bontoc to open a school.

Early in 1902 Constabulary inspectors. Lieutenants Louis A. Powless
and Ernest A. Eckman, also came. May 28, 1902, the Philippine
Commission organized the Province of Lepanto-Bontoc; on June 9
Dr. Hunt was appointed lieutenant-governor of the province. May 1,
1903, Dr. Hunt resigned and E. A. Wagar, M. D., became his successor.

The Spaniard was in Bontoc about fifty years. To summarize the
Spanish influence on the Igorot — and this includes any influence which
the Ilokano or Tagalog may have had since they came among the people
under Spanish protection — it is believed that no essential institution of
the Igorot has been weakened or vitiated to any appreciable degree.
No Igorot attended the school which the Spaniards had in Bontoc;
to-day not ten Igorot of the pueblo can make themselves understood in
Spanish about the commonest things around them. I fail to detect

Digitized by

Google

JKNKB]

THE MAN 39

any occupation, method, or device of the Igorot which the Spaniards^
influence improved; and Igorot flatly deny any such influence.

The Spaniard put the institution of pueblo presidente pretty well
throughout the area now in province, but the presidente in no way
interferes with the routine life of the people — he in the mouthpiece
of the Government asking for labor and the daily necessities of a
nonproductive, resident foreign population.

The "tax^' levied was scarcely in the nature of a modem tax; it was
more the means taJcen by the Spaniard to secure his necessary food. In
no other way was the political life and organization of the pueblo
affected. In the realm of religion and spirit belief the surface has
scarcely been scratched. The only Igorot who became Christians were
the wives of some of the Christian natives who came in with the
Spaniard, mainly as soldiers. There are now eight or ten such women,
wives of the resident Ilokanos of Bontoc pueblo, but those whose husbands
left the pueblo have reverted to Igorot faith.

In the matter of war and head-hunting the effect of the Spaniard was
to intensify the natural instinct of the Igorot in and about Bontoc
pueblo. Nineteen men in twenty of Bontoc and Samoki have taken a
human head, and it has been seen under what conditions and influences
some of those heads were taken. An Igorot, whose confidence I believe
I have, an old man who represents the knowledge and wisdom of the
people, told me recently that if the Americans wanted the people of
Bontoc to go out against a pueblo they would gladly go ; and he added,
suggestively, that when the Spaniards were there the old men had much
better food than now, for many hogs were killed in the celebration of
war expeditions — and the old men got the greater part of the meat.
The Igorot is a natural head-hunter, and his training for the last sixty
years seems to have done little more for him than whet this appetite.

SOMATOLOGY
MAK

The Bontoc men average about 5 feet 4^ inches in height, and have the
appearance of being taller than they are. Again and again one is
deceived by their height, and he repeatedly backs a 5-foot-7-inch Igorot
up against a 6-foot American, vainly expecting the stature of the
brown man to equal that of the white. Almost never does the Bontoc
man appear heavy or thickset, as does his brother, the Benguet Igorot —
the human pack horse seen so constantly on the San Femando-Baguio
trail — ^muscularly one of the most highly developed primitive people in
the world to-day

Of thirty-two men measured from Bontoc and vicinity the shortest
was 4 feet 9J inches and the tallest was slightly more than 5 feet 9

Digitized by

Google

40 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. subv. i

inches. The following table presents the average measurements of the
thiriy-two men:

Average measurements of Bontoc men

Measure-
ments

Cm.

stature __ 160.287

Spread of arms : : 165.684

Head length _ 19.212

Head breadth 16.203

Cephalic index (percent) ' 79.1328

Nasal length 5.26625

Nasal breadth w_ 4.1625

Nasal index (percent) 79.191

From these measurements it appears tliat the composite man — tlic
average of the combined measurements of thirty-two men — ^is mesati-
cephalic. Among the thirty-two men the extremes of cephalic index are
91.48 and 67.48. This first measurement is of a young man between :;^0
and 25 years of age. It stands far removed from other measurements,
the one nearest it being 86.78, that of a man about 60 years old. The
other extreme is 67.48, the measure of a young man between 25 and
30 years of age. Among the thirty-two men, nine are brachycephalic —
that is, their cephalic index is greater than 80 ; twenty of the thirty-two
are mesaticephalic, with cephalic index between 75 and 80; and only
three are dolichocephalic — that is, the cephalic index is below 75.

The nasal indexes of the thirty-two men show that the Bontoc man
has the "medium" or mesorhine nose. They also show that one is
very extremely platyrhine, the index being 104.54, and one is very
leptorhine, being 58.18. Of the total, five are leptorhine — tliat is, have
the "narrow'^ nose with nasal index below 70. Seventeen men are
mesorhine, with the "medium" nose with nasal index between 70 and
85 ; and ten are platyrhine — that is, the noses are " broad," with an
index greater than 85.

The Bontoc men are never corpulent, and, with tlie exception of the
very old, they are seldom poor. During the period of a man's prime
he is usually muscled to an excellent symmetry. His neck, never long,
is well formed and strong and supports the head in erect position. His
shoulders are broad, even, and full muscled, and with seeming ease
carry transportation baskets laden with 75 to 100 pounds. His arms
are smoothly developed and are about the same relative length as the
American's. The hands are strong and short. The waist line is firm
and smaller than the shoulders or hips. The buttocks usually appear
heavy. His legs are generally straight ; the thighs and calves are those
of a prime pedestrian accustomed to long and frequent walks. The
ankles are seldom thick; and the feet are broad and relatively short,

Digitized by

Google

JENK8] THE MAN 41

and, almost without exception, are placed on the ground straight ahead.
He has the feet of a pedestrian — not the intumed feet of the constant
bearer of heavy burdens on the back or the outtumed feet of the
man who sits or stands. The perfection of muscular development of
two-thirds of the men of Bontoc between the ages of 25 and 30 would
be the envy of the average college athlete in the States.

In color the men are brown, though there is a wide range of tone
from a light brown with a strong saffron undertone to a very dark
brown — as near a bronze as can well be imagined. The sun has more
to do with the different color tones than has anything else, after which
habits of personal cleanliness play a very large role. There are men in
the Bontoc Igorot Constabulary of an extremely light-brown color, more
saffron than brown, who have been wearing clothing for only one year.
During the year the diet of the men in the Constabulary has been
practically the same as that of their darker brothers among whom they
were enlisted only twelve months ago. All the members of the Constab-
ulary differ much more in color from the unclothed men than the
unclothed differ among themselves* Man after man of these latter may
pass under the eye without revealing a tint of saffron, yet there are
many who show it faintly. The natural Igorot never washes himself
clean. He washes frequently, but lacks the means of cleansing the skin,
and the dirtier he is the more bronze-like he appears. At all times his
face looks lighter and more saffron-tinted than the remainder of his body.
There are two reasons for this — ^because the face is more often washed
and because of its contrast with the black hair of the head.

The hair of the head is black, straight, coarse, and relatively abundant.
It is worn long, frequently more than half way to the hips from the
shoulders. The front is 'T)anged" low and square across the forehead,
cut with the battle-ax ; this line of cut runs to above and somewhat back
of the ear, the hair of the scalp below it being cut close to the head.
When the men age, a few gray hairs appear, and some old men have
heads of uniform iron-gray color. I have never seen a white-haired
Igorot. A few of the old men have their hair thinning on the crown, but
a tendency to baldness is by no means the rule.

Bontoc pueblo is no exception to the rule that every pueblo in the
Philippines has a few people with curly or wavy hair. I doubt whether
to-day an entire tribe of perfectly straight-haired primitive Malayan
people exists in the Archipelago. Fu-nit is a curly-haired Bontoc man
of about 45 years of age. Many people told me that his father and also
his grandfather were members of the pueblo and had curly hair. I have
never been able to find any hint at foreign or Negrito blood in any of
the several curly haired people in the Bontoc culture area whose ancestors
I have tried to discover.

The scanty growth of hair on the face of the Bontoc man is pulled

Digitized by

Google

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[ETH. 8URV. 1

out. A small pebble and the thumb nail or the blade of the battle-ax and
the bulb of the thumb are frequently used as forceps; they never cut
the hair of the face. It is common to see men of all ages with a very
sparse growth of hair on the upper lip or chin, and one of 50 years in
Bontoc has a fairly heavy 4-inch growth of gray hair on his chin and
throat; he is shown in PL XIII. Their bodies are quite free from
hair. There is none on the breast, and seldom any on the legs. The
pelvic growth is always pulled out by the unmarried. The growth in
the armpits is scant, but is not removed.

The iris of the eye is brown — often rimmed with a lighter or darker
ring. The brown of the iris ranges from nearly black to a soft hazel
brown. The cornea is frequently blotched with red or yellow. The
Malayan fold of the upper eyelid is seen in a large majority of the
men, the fold being so low that it hangs over and hides the roots of the
lashes. The lashes appear to grow from behind the lid rather than from
its rimu

The teeth are large and strong, and, whereas in old age they frequently
become few and discolored, during prime they are often white and clean.
The people never artificially stain the teeth, and, though surrounded
by betel-nut chewers with dark teeth or red-stained lips, they do not
use the beteL

Since the Igorot keeps no record of years, it is impossible to know his
age, but it is believed that sufficient comparative data have been collected
in Bontoc to make the following estimates reliable :

At the age of 20 a man seems hardly to have reached his physical
best; this he attains, however, before he is 25. By 35 he begins to show
the marks of age. By 45 most of the men are fast getting "old^^ ; their
faces are seamed, their muscles losing form, their carriage less erect,
and the step slower. By 55 all are old — ^most are bent and thin. Prob-
ably not over one or two in a hundred mature men live to be 70 years old.

The following census taken from a Spanish manuscript found in
Quiangan, and written in 1894, may be taken as representative of an
average Igorot pueblo:

Census of MaguLang, district of Quiangan

Years

Females

Males

0 to 1 -

191
209
144
132
129
121
212
118
79

200
210
123
169
114
184
239
126

1 to 6

5 to 10

10 to 16

15 to 20

20 to 80

80 to 40 -

40 to 50

60 and over

Total

1,835

1,367

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

THE WOMAN

From this census it seems that the Magulang Igorot man is at his
prime between the ages of 30 and 40 years, and that the death rate for
men between the ages of 40 and 50 is nearly as great as the death rate
among children between 5 to 10 years of age, being 52.7 per cent.
Beyond the age of 50 collapse is sudden, since all the men more than
50 years old are less than half the number of those between the ages
of 40 and 50 years.

WOMAN

The women average 4 feet OJ inches in height. In appearance they
are short and stocky. Twenty-nine women from Bontoc and vicinity
were measured; the tallest was 5 feet 4i inches, and the shortest 4 feet
4J inches. The following table presents the average measurements of
twenty-nine women:

Average meamrements of Bontoc women

Measure-
ments

Stature

Spread of arms

Head length

Head breadth

Cephalic index (per cent)

Nasal length

Nasal breadth

Nasal index (per cent)

Cm.
145.800
149.606
18.508
14.706
79.094
4.582
8.608
78.744

These measurements show that the composite woman — ^the average
of the measurements of twenty-nine women — ^is mesaticephalic. The
extremes of cephalic index are 87.64 and 64.89 ; both are measurements
of women about 35 years of age. Of the twenty-nine women twelve
are brachycephalic ; twelve are mesaticephalic; and five are dolicho-
cephalic.

The Bontoc woman has a "medium,^^ or mesorhine, nose, as is shown
by the above figures. Four of the twenly-nine women have the ^^narrow^^
leptoriiine nose with nasal index below 70 ; seven have platyrhine or the
'T>road'' nose with index greater than 85; while seventeen have the
"medium^' or mesorhine nose with nasal index between 70 and 85.
The broadest nose haa an index of 97.56, and the narrowest an index of
58.53.

The women reach the age of maturity well prepared for its respon-
sibilities. They have more adipose tissue than the men, yet are never
fat. The head is carried erect, but with a certain stiffness — often due,
in part, no doubt, to shyness, and in part to the fact that they carry
all their burdens on their heads. I believe the neck more often appears
short than does the neck of the man. The shoulders are broad, and

Digitized by

Google

44 THE BONTOC IGOROT [eth. subv. i

flat across the back. The breasts are large, full, and well supported.
The hips are broad and well set, and the waist (there is no natural waist
line) is frequently no smaller than the hips, though smaller than the
shoulders. Their arms are smooth and strong, and they throw stones
as men do, with the full-arm throw from the shoulder. Their hands
are short and strong. Their legs are almost invariably straight, but are
probably more frequently bowed at the knees than are the men's. The
thighs are sturdy and strong, and the calves not infrequently over-large.
This enlargement runs low down, so the ankles, never slender, very
often appear coarse and large. In consequence of this heavy lower leg,
the feet, short at best, usually look much too short. They are placed
on the ground straight ahead, though the tendency to intumed feet is
slightly more noticable than it is among the men.

Their carriage is a healthful one, though it is not always graceful,
since their long strides commonly give the prominent buttocks a jerky
movement They prove the naturalness of that style of walking which,
in profile, shows the chest thrust forward and the buttocks backward;
the abdomen is in, and the shoulders do not swing as the strides are
made.

It can not be said that at base the color of the women's skin diflEers
from that of the men, but the saffron undertone is more commonly seen
than it is in the unclothed men. It shows on the shaded parts of the
body, and where the skin is distended, as on the breast and about certain
features of the face.

The hair of the head is like that of the man's ; it is worn long, and is
twisted and wound about the head. It has a tendency to fall out as
age comes on, but does not seem thin on the head. The tendency to
gray hairs is apparently somewhat less than it is with the men. The
remainder of the body is exceptionally free from hair. The growth in
the armpits and the pelvic hair are always pulled out by the unmarried,
and a large per cent of the women do not allow it to grow even in
old age.

Their eyes are brown, varied as are those of the men, and with the
Malayan fold of the upper eyelid.

Their teeth are generally whiter and cleaner than are those of their
male companions, a condition due largely, probably, to the fact that
few of the women smoke.

They seem to reach maturity at about 17 or 18 years of age. The
first child is commonly bom between the ages of 16 and 22. At 23
the woman has certainly reached her prime. By 30 she is getting "old" ;
before 45 the women are old, with flat, pendent folds of skin where
the breasts were. The entire front of the body — in prime full, rounded,
and smooth — ^has become flabby, wrinkled, and folded. It is only a
short time before collapse of the tissue takes place in all parts of the

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] THE CHILD 45

body. An old woman, say, at 50, is a mass of wrinkles from foot to
forehead; the arms and legs lose their plumpness, the skin is ^T)agged"
at the knees into half a dozen large folds; and the disappearance of
adipose tissue from the trunk — front, sides, and back — ^has left the skin
not only wrinkled but loose and flabby, folding over the girdle at the
waist.

The census of Magulang, page 42, should be again referred to, from
which it appears that the death rate among women is greater between
the ages of 40 and 50 years than it is with men, being 55.66 per cent.
The census shows also that there are relatively a larger number of old
women — that is, over 50 years old — than there are old men.

CHILD

The death rate among children is large. Of fifteen families in Bontoc,
each having had three or more children, the death rate up to the age
of puberty was over 60 per cent. According to the Magulang census
the death rate of children from 5 to 10 years of age is 63.73 per cent.

The new-born babe is as light in color as the average American babe,
and is much less red, instead of which color there is the slightest tint
of saffron. As the babe lies naked on its mother^s naked breast the light
color is most strikingly apparent by contrast. The darker color, the
brown, gradually comes, however, as the babe is exposed to the sun and
wind, until the child of a year or two carried on its mother^s back is
practically one with the mother in color.

Some of the babes, perhaps all, are bom with an abundance of dark
hair on the head. A child^s hair is never cut, except that from about
the age of 3 years the boy^s hair is ^^anged^^ across the forehead. Fully
30 per cent of children up to 5 or 6 years of age have brown hair — due
largely to fading, as the outer is much lighter than the under hair. In
rare cases the lighter brown hair assumes a distinctly red cast, though
a faded lifeless red. Before puberty is reached, however, all children
have glossy black hair.

The iris of a new-bom babe is sometimes a blue brown; it is decidedly
a different brown from that of the adult or of the child of five years.
Most children have the Malayan fold of the eyelid ; the lower lid is often
much straighter than it is on the average American. When, in addi-
tion to these conditions, the. outer comer of the eye is higher than
the inner, the eye is somewhat Mongolian in appearance. About one-
fifth of the children in Bontoc have this Mongolian-like eye, though it
is rarer among adults — a fact due, in part, apparently, to the down
curving and sagging of the lower lid as one's prime is reached and

Children's teeth are clean and white, and very generally remain so
until maturity.

The child from 1 to 3 years of age is plump and chubby; his front

Digitized by

Google

46 THE BONTOC IGOEOT Ceth.8ubv.i

is full and rounded^ but lacks the extra abdominal development so
common with the children of the lowlands, and which has received from
the American the popular name of ^Jbanaua belly /^ By the age of 7
the child has lost its plump, rounded form, which is never again had by
the boys but is attained by the girls again early in puberty. During
these last half dozen years of childhood all children are sjender and
agile and wonderfully attractive in their naturalness. Both girls
and boys reach puberty at a later time than would be expected, though
data can not be gathered to determine accurately the age at puberty.
All the Ilokano in Bontoc pueblo consistently maintain that girls do
not reach puberty until at least 16 and 17 years of age. Perhaps it is
arrived at by 14 or 15, but I feel certain it is not as early as 12 or 13 —
a condition one might expect to find among people in the tropics.

PATHOLOGY

The most serious permanent physical affliction the Bontoc Igorot
suffers is blindness. Fully 2 per cent of the people both of Bontoc and
her sister pueblo, Samoki, are blind; probably 2 per cent more are
partially so. Bontoc has one blind boy only 3 years old, but I know
of no other blind children; and it is claimed that no babes are bom blind.
There is one woman in Bontoc approaching 20 years of age who is nearly
blind, and whose mother and older sister are blind. Blindness is very
common among the old people, and seems to come on with the general
breaking down of the body.

A few of the people say their blindness is due to the smoke in their
dwellings. This doubtless has much to do with the infirmity, as their
private and public buildings are very smoky much of the time, and
when the nights are at all chilly a fire is built in their closed, low, and
chimneyless sleeping rooms. There are many persons with inflamed
and granulated eyelids whose vision is little or not at all impaired —
a forerunner of blindness probably often caused by smoke.

Twenty per cent of the adults have abnormal feet. The most common
and most striking abnormality is that known as "fa'-wing"; it is an
intuming of the great toe. Fa'-wing occurs in all stages from the
slightest spreading to that approximating forty-five degress. It is found
widely scattered among the barefoot mountain tribes of northern Luzon.
The people say it is due to mountain cljmbing, and their explanation
is probably correct, as the great toe is used much as is a claw in securing
a footing on the slippery, steep trails during the rainy reason. Fa'-wing
occurs quite as commonly with women as with men, and in Ambuklao,
Benguet Province, I saw a boy of 8 or 9 years whose great toes were
spread half as much as those shown in PI. XXV. This deformity
occurs on one or both feet, but generally on both if at all.

An enlargement of the basal joint of the great toe, probably a bunion,
is also comparatively common. It is not improbable that it is often

Digitized by

Google

jBNKfl] PHYSICAL AFFLICTIONS 47

caused by stone bniises, as such are of frequent occurrence; they are
sometimes very serious, laying a person up ten days at a time.

The feet of adults who work in the water-filled rice paddies are dry,
seamed, and cracked on the bottoms. These "rice-paddy feet," called
"fung-as'," are often so sore that the person can not go on the trails
for any considerable distance.

I believe not 5 per cent of the people are without eruptions of the
bkin. It is practically impossible to find an adult whose body is not
marked with shiny patches showing wliere large eruptions have been.
Babes of one or two months do not appear to have skin diseases, but
those of three and four are sometimes half covered with itching, discharg-
ing eruptions. Babes imder a year old, such as are most carried on their
mother^s backs, are especially subject to a mass of sores about the ankles;
the skin disease is itch, called kuMid. I have seen babes of this age
with sores an inch across and nearly an inch deep in their backs.

Relatively there are few large sores on the people such as boils and
ulcers, but a person may have a dozen or half a hundred itching erup-
tions the size of a half pea scattered over his arms, legs, and trunk.
From these he habitually squeezes the pus onto his thumb nail, and at
once ignorantly cleans the nail on some other part of the body. The
general prevalence of this itch is largely due to the gregarious life of
the people — to the fact that the males lounge in public quarters, and all,
except married men and women, sleep in these same quarters where
the naked skin readily takes up virus left on the stone seats and sleeping
boards by an infected companion. In Banawi, in the Quiangan culture
area, a district having no public buildings, one can scarcely find a trace
of skin eruption.

There are two adult people in Samoki pueblo who are insane; one of
them at least is supposed to be affected by Lumawig, the Igorot god,
and is said, when he hallooes, as he does at times, to be calling to
Lumawig. Bontoc pueblo has a young woman and a girl of five or six
years of age who are imbecile. These four people are practically incapa-
citated from earning a living, and are cared for by their immediate
relatives. There are two adult deaf and dumb men in Bontoc pueblo,
but both are industrious and self-supporting.

Igorot badly injured in war or elsewhere are usually killed at their
own request. In May, 1903, a man from Maligkong was thrown to the
earth and rendered unconscious by a heavy timber he and several com-
panions brought to Bontoc for the school building. His companions
immediately told Captain Eckman to shoot him as he was "no good/'
I can not say whether it is customary for the Igorot to weed out those
who faint temporarily — ^as the fact just cited suggests; however, they
do not kill the feeble aged, and the presence of the insane and the
imbecile shows that weak members of the group are not always destroyed
voluntarily.

Digitized by

Google

Chapter III

GENERAL SOCIAL LIFE

THE PUEBLO

Bontoc and Samoki pueblos, in all essentials typical of pueblos in
the Bontoc area, lie in the mountains in a roughly circular pocket
called Pa-pas'-kan. A perfect circle about a mile in diameter might be
described within the pocket. It is bisected fairly accurately by the Chico
River, coursing from the southwest to the northeast. Its altitude ranges
from about 2,750 feet at the river to 2,900 at the upper edge of Bontoc
pueblo, which is close to the base of the mountain ridge at the west,
while Samoki is backed up against the opposite ridge to the southeast.
The river flows between the pueblos, though considerably closer to Samoki
than to Bontoc.

The horizon circumscribing this pocket is cut at the northeast, where
the river makes its exit, and lifting above this gap are two ranges of
mountains beyond. At the south-southeast there is another cut, through
which a small affluent pours into the main stream. At the southwest
the river enters the pocket, although no cut shows in the horizon, as
the stream bends abruptly and the farther range of mountains folds
close upon the near one.

Bontoc lies compactly built on a sloping piece of ground, roughly
about half a mile square. Through the pueblo are two water-cut ravines,
down which pour the waters of the mountain ridge in the rainy season,
and in which, during much of the remainder of the year, sufficient water
trickles to supply several near-by dwellings.

Adjoining the pueblo on the north and west are two small groves
where a religious ceremonial is observed each month. Granaries for
rice are scattered all about the outer fringe of dwellings, and in places
they follow the ravines in among the buildings of the pueblo. The old,
broad Spanish trail runs close to the pueblo on the south and east,
as it passes in and out of the pocket through the gaps cut by the river.
About the pueblo at the east and northeast are some fifteen houses built
in Spanish time, most of them now occupied by Ilokano men with
Igorot or half-breed wives. There also were the Spanish Government
48

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

y Google

Digitized by

Google

PiATl XXIX. PLAT OF SECTION OF A'-TO 8I-PA'-AT.

(FkL is fii'-wl; Fob. is pa-barfu'-nan; R la fay'-A. the bett das of dwelling; K. is kat-yu'-ttng,
the poorer clan of dwelling; P. is pigpen; the narrow space between two rows of stones is the
path; the large open space between stone walls is camote ground.)

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate XXXI. FA-'WI OF A'-TO SI-PA'-AT.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
o

?
i

i
I

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
I-

X
X
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF VILLAGE 49

buildings, reduced to a church, a convent, and another building used
now as headquarters for the Qovemment Constabulary.

The pueblo, now 2,000 or 2,500 people, was probably at one time
larger. There is a tradition common in both Bontoc and Samoki that
in former years the ancestors of this latter pueblo lived northeast of
Bontoc toward the northern comer of the pocket. They say they moved
to the opposite side of the river because there they would have more"
room. There they have grown to 1,200 or 1,500 souls. Still later, but
yet before the Spanish came, a large section of people from northeastern
Bontoc moved bodily to Lias, about two days to the east. They tell
that a Bontoc woman named Fank^-a was the wife of a Lias man^ and
when a drought and famine visited Bontoc the section of the pueblo
from which she came moved as a whole to Lias, then a small collection
of people. Still later, La'-nao, a detached section of Bontoc on the
lowland near the river, was suddenly wiped out by a disease.

The Igorot is given to naming even small areas of the earth within
his well-known habitat, and there are four areas in Bontoc pueblo having
distinct names. These names in no way refer to political or social
divisions — ^they are not the *T[)arrio" of the coast pueblos of the Islands,
neither are they in any way like a ^Vard" in an American ciiy, nor
are they "additions" to an original part of the pueblo — ^they are names
of geographic areas over which the pueblo was built or has spread. From
south to north these areas are A-fu', Mag-e'-o, Dao'-wi, and Um-fSg'.

ATO

Bontoc is composed of seventeen political divisions, called "a'-to."
The geographic area of A-fu' contains four a'-to, namely, Fa-tay'-yan,
Po-lup-o', Am-ka'-wa, and Bu-yay'-ySng ; Mag-e'-o contains three,
namely, Fi'-lig, Mag-e'-o, and Cha-kong'; Dao'-wi has six, namely,
Lo-wing'-an, Pud-pud-chog', Si-pa'-at, Si-gi-chan', So-mo-wan', and
Long-foy'; Um-feg' has four, Po-ki'-san, Lu-wa'-kan, Ung-kan', and
Cho'-ko. Each a'-to is a separate political division. It has its public
buildings; has a separate governing council which makes peace, chal-
lenges to war, and accepts or rejects war challenges, and it formally
releases and adopts men who change residence from one a'-to to another.

Border a'-to Fa-tay'-yan seems to be developing an offspring — a
new a'-to; a part of it, the southwestern border part, is now known
as "Tang-e-ao'." It is disclaimed as a separate a'-to, yet it has a
distinctive name, and possesses some of the marks of an independent
a'-to. In due time it will doubtless become such.

In Sagada, Agawa, Takong, and near-by pueblos the a'-to is sai<J to
be known as dap'-ay ; and in Balili and Alap both names are known.

The pueblo must be studied entirely through the a'-ta It is only
15223 4

Digitized by

Google

50 THE BONTOC IGOROT [BTH.euEv.i

an aggregate of which the various a'-to are the units, and all the pueblo
life there is is due to the similarity of interests of the several a'-to.

Bontoc does not know when her pueblo was built — she was always
where she now is — ^but they say that some of the a'-to are newer than
others. In fact, they divide tiiem into the old and new. The newer
ones are Bu-ya/-ygng, Am-ka^-wa, Po-lup-o', Cha-kong', and Po-ki^-san ;
all these are border a'-to of the pueblo.

The generations' of descendants of men who did distinct things are
kept carefully in memory; and from the list of descendants of the build-
ers of some of the newer a'-to it seems probable that Cha-kong' was
the last one built. One of the builders was Sal-lu-yud'; he had a son
named Tam-bul^ and Tam-bul' was the father of a man in Bontoc now
some twenty-five years old. It is probable that Cha-kong' was built
about 1830 — in the neighborhood of seventy-five years ago. The plat
of the pueblo seems to strengthen the impression that Cha-kong' is
the newest a'-to, since it appears to have been built in territory previously
used for rice granaries; it is all but surrounded by such ground now.

One of the builders of Bu-yay^-ySng, an a'-to adjoining Cha-kong',
and also one of the newer ones, was Ba-la-ge'. Ba-la-ge' was the great-
great-great-grandfather of Mud-do', who is a middle-aged man now in
Bontoc. The generations of fathers descending from Ba-la-ge' to Mud-
do' are the following: Bang-Sg', Cag-i'-yu, Bit-e', and Ag-kus'. It seems
from this evidence that the a'-to Bu-yay'-ySng was built about one hun-
dred and fifty years ago. These facts suggest a much greater age for the
older a'-to of the pueblo.

An a'-to has three classes of buildings occupied by the people — ^the
fawi and pabafunan, public structures for boys and men, and the
olag for girls and young women before their permanent marriage; and
the dwellings occupied by families and by widows, which are called
afong. Each of these three classes of buildings plays a distinct rdle
in the life of the people.

PABAFUNAN AND FAWI

The pa-ba-fu'-nan is the home of the various a'-to ceremonials. It
is sacred to the men of the a'-to, and on no occasion do the women or
girls enter it.

All boys from 3 or 4 years of age and all men who have no wives
sleep nightly in the pa-ba-fu'-nan or in the fa'-wi.

The pa-ba-fu'-nan building consists of a low, squat, stone-sided struc-
ture partly covered with a grass roof laid on a crude frame of poles;
the stone walls extend beyond the roof at one end and form an open
court The roofed part is about 8 by 10 feet, and usually is not over
5 feet high in any part, inside measure; the size of the court is approxi-
mately the same as that of the roofed section. In some pa-ba-fu'-nan
a part of the court is roofed over for shelter in case of rain, but is

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] MEN'S TILLAGE MEETING PLACE 61

not walled in. Under this roof skulls of dogs and hogs are generally
found tucked away. Carabao homs and chicken feathers are also
commonly seen in such places.

In many cases the open court is shaded by a tree. Posts are found
reared above most of the courts. Some are old and blackened; others
are all but gone — ^a short stump being all that projects above the earth.
The tops of some posts are rudely carved to represent a human head;
on the tops of others, as in a'-to Lowingan and Sipaat, there are stones
which strikingly resemble human skulls. It is to the tops of these
posts that the enemy's head is attached when a victorious warrior
returns to his a'-to. Both the roofed and court sections are paved
with stone, and large stones are also arranged around the sides of the
court, some more or less elevated as seats; they are worn smooth and
shiny by generations of use. In the center of the court is the smoulder-
ing remains of a fire. The only opening into the covered part is a small
doorway connecting it with the court. This door is barely large enough
to permit a man to squeeze in sidewise ; it is often not over 2^ feet high
and 10 inches wide. The occupants of the pa-ba-fu'-nan usually sleep
curled up naked on the smooth, flat stones. A few people have runo
slat mats, some of which roll up, while others are inflexible, and they
lie on these over the stone pavement. Fires are built in all sleeping
rooms when it is cold, and the rooms all close tightly with a door.

In the court of the building the men lounge when not at work in the
fields; they sleep, or smoke and chat, tend babies, or make utensils and
weapons. The pa-ba-fu'-nan is the man's club by day, and the un-
married man's dormitory by night, and, as such, it is the social center
for all men of the a^-to, and it harbors at night all men visiting from
other pueblos.

Each a'-to, except Chakong, has a pa-ba-fu'-nan. When the men of
Chakong were building theirs they met the pueblo of Sadanga in
combat, and one of the builders lost his head to Sadanga. Then the
old men of Chakong counciled together; they came to the conclusion
that it was bad for the a'-to to have a pa-ba-fu'-nan, and none has
ever been built. This absence of the pa-ba-fu'-nan in some way detracts
from the importance of the a'-to in the minds of the people. For
instance, in the early stages of this study I was told several times that
there are sixteen (and not seventeen) a^-to in Bontoc. The first list
of a'-to written did not include Chakong; it was discovered only when
the pueblo was platted, and at that time my informants sought to pass
it over by saying *^t is Chakong, but it has no pa-ba-fu^-nan." The
explanation of the obscurity of Chakong in the minds of the Igorot
seems to be that the a'-to ceremonial is more important than the a'-to
council — ^that the emotional and not the mental is held uppermost, that
the people of Bontoc flow together through feeling better than they
drive together through cold force or control.

Digitized by

Google

THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth. suinr. i

The a'-to ceremonials of Chakong are held in the pa-ba-fu'-nan of
neighboring a'-to, as in Sigiehan, Pudpudchog, or Filig, and this seems
partially to destroy the esprit de corps of the unfortunate a'-to.

Each a'to has a f a'-wi building — a structure greatly resembling to the
pa-ba-fu'-nan, and impossible to be distinguished from it by one looking
at the structure from the outside. The fa'-wi and pa-ba-fu'-nan are
shown in Pis. XXX, XXXI, and XXXII. PL XXIX shows a section of
Sipaat a'-to with its fa'-wi and pa-ba-fu'-nan. The fa'-wi is the a'-to
council house; as such it is more frequented by the old men than by the
younger. The fa'-wi also shelters the skulls of human heads taken by
the a'-to. Outside the pueblo, along certain trails, there are simple
structures also called "fa'wi,'^ shelters where parties halt for feasts, etc.,
while on various ceremonial journeys.

The fa'-wi and pa-ba-fu'-nan of each a'-to are near together, and in
five they are under the same roof, though there is no doorway for inter-
communication. What was said of the pa-ba-fu'-nan as a social center
is equally true of the fa'-wi; each is the lounging place of men and
boys, and the dormitory of unmarried males.

In Samoki each of the eight a'-to has only one public building, and
that is known simply as ^V-to.^^

One is further convinced of an extensive early movement of the
primitive Malayan from its pristine nest by the presence of institutions
similar to the pa-ba-fu'-nan and fa'-wi over a vast territory of the
Asiatic mainland as well as the Asiatic Islands and Oceania/ That
these widespread institutions sprang from the same source will be seen
clearly in the quotations appearing in the footnote below.^ The visible
exponent of the institutions is a building forbidden to women, the
functions of which are several; it is a dormitory for men — generally
unmarried men — a council house, a guardhouse, a guest . house for
men, a center for ceremonials of the group, and a resting place for the
trophies of the chase and war — ^a ^Tiead house/'

^ Major Godwin-Austen says of the Q&ro hiU tribes, Bengal, India :

"In every vUlage Is the 'bolbang,' or young men's house. * * * In this house all the
unmarried males live, as soon as they attain the age of puberty, and in this any travelers
are put up." — The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.
Tol. n, p. 893. See also op. clt, vol. xi, p. 199.

S. B. Peal says :

"Barracks for the unmarried young men • « • are common in and around Assam
among non-Aryan races. The institution Is here seen in various stages of decline or tran-
sition. In the case of 'head-hunters' the young men's barracks are invariably guard-
houses, at the entrance to the village, and those on guard at night keep tally of the men
who leave and return." — Op. clt, vol. xxn, p. 248.

Gertrude M. Godden writes at length of the young men's house of the N&gft and other
frontier tribes of northeast India : "Before leaving the N&g& social customs one promiiient
feature of their village society must be -noticed. This is the Oekha chang, an institution in
some respects similar to the bachelors' hall of the Melanesians, which again is compared
with the halai and other public halls of the Malay Archipelago. This building, also called
a Morang, was used for the double purpose of a sleeping place for the young men and as a
guard or watch house for the village. The custom of the young men sleeping together is
one that is constantly noticed in accounts of the N&gft tribes, and a like custom prevailed
in some, if not all, cases for the girls. • • *

Digitized by

Google

j»NK8] THE HOUSE OF TRIAL MARRIAGE 53

The o'-lftg is the dormitory of the girls in an a'-to from the age
of about 2 years until they marr}\ It is a small stone and mud-walled
structure^ roofed with grass^ in which a grown person can seldom

"The young men's haU is variously described and named. An article in the Journal of
the Indian Archipelago, 1848, says that among the N&g&s the bachelors' hall of the Dayak
village is found under the name of 'Mooring.' In this all the boys of the age of 9 or 10
upward reside apart. In a report of 1854 the 'morungs' are described as large buildings
generally situated at the principal entrances and varying in number according to the slie
of the village; they are in fact the main guardhouse, and here all the young unmarried
men sleep. In front of the morung is a raised platform as a lookout, commanding an
extensive view of all approaches, where a NAg& is always kept on duty as a sentry. • • •
In the Morungs are kept skulls carried off in battle; these are suspended by a string
along the wall in one or more rows over each other. In one of the Morungs of the Chan-
guae village. Captain Brodie counted one hundred and thirty skulls. • • • Besides
these there was a large basket full of broken pieces of skulls. Captain Holroyd, from
whose memorandum the above is quoted, speaks later of the Morung as the 'hall of justice'
in which the consultations of the clan council • • • are held. • • *

"The 'Moranyt* of another tribe, the 'Naked' N&g&, have recently been described as
situated close to the village gate, and consist of a central hall, and back and front
verandas. In the large front veranda are collected all the trophies of war and the chase,
from a man's skull down to a monkey's. Along both sides of the central hall are the
sleeping berths of the young men. • • •

"Speaking of the Mao and Muran tribes [continues Miss Godden], Dr. Brown says, 'the
young men never sleep at home, but at their clubs, where they keep their arms always in
a state of readiness.' • • •

"With the Aos at the present day the custom seems to be becoming obsolete ; sleeping
houses are provided for bachelors, but are seldom used ei^cept by small boys. Unmarried
girls sleep by twos and threes in houses otherwise empty, or else tenanted by one old
woman.

"The analogy between the Dakha Chang, or Morang, of the N4gAs and the men's hall
of the Melanesians is too close to be overlooked, and in view of the significance of all
evidence concerning the corporate life of early communities a description of the latter is
here quoted. I am aware of no recorded instance of the women's house, other than these
N&g& examples. 'In all the Melanesian groups it is the rule that there is in every village
a building of public character where the men eat and si>end their time, the young men
sleep, strangers are entertained; where as in the Solomon Islands the canoes are kept;
where images are seen, and from which women are generally excluded ; * * * and all
these no doubt correspond to the halai and other public halls of the Malay Archipelago.' " —
Op. cit, vol. zxvi, pp. 179-182.

Similar institutions appear to exist also in Sumatra.

In Borneo among the Land Dyaks "head houses," called "pangah," are found in each
village. Low says of them : "The Pangah is built by the united efforts of the boys and
unmarried men of the tribe, who, after having attained the age of puberty, are obliged to
leave the houses of the village; and do not generally frequent them after they have
attained the age of 8 or 9 years." — Sir Hugh Low, Sarawak, Its Inhabitants and Produc-
tions (London, 1848), p. 280.

Lieutenant F. Blton writes of the natives of Solomon Islands: "In every village they
have at least one so-called tamboo house of tohe, generally the largest building in the
settlement. This is only for the men, it being death for a female to enter there. It is
used as a public place and belongs to the community. Any stranger coming to the village
goes to the tamboo house and remains there until the person he is in quest of meets him
there." — "The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of breat Britain and Ireland, vol.
xvn, p. 97.

Mr. H. O. Forbes writes of the tribes of Timor (islands between New Guinea and Aus-
tralia) that they have a building called "Uma-lullk." He says : "The lulik can be at once
recognized, were it by nothing else than by the buffalo crania with which it is decorated
on the outside. An officer who holds one of the highest and certainly the most influential
positions in the kingdom has charge of the building, and presides over the sacred rites
which are conducted in them. * * • The building is cared for by some old person,
sometimes by a man and his wife, but they must not both — being of opposite sex — stay all
night." — Op. clt., xm, pp. 411, 412.

Digitized by

Google

54 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

stand erect. It has but a single opening — ^a door some 30 inches high
and 10 inches wide. Occupying nearly all the floor space are boards
about 4 feet long and from 8 to 14 inches wide; each board is a girl's
bed. They are placed close together, side by side, laid on a frame about
a foot above the earth. One end, where the head rests, is slightly higher
that the other, while in most o^-l&g a pole for a foot rest runs along the
foot of the beds a few inches from them. The building as shown in
PL XXXIII is typical of the nineteen found in Bontoc pueblo —
though it does not show, what is almost invariably true, that it is built
over one or more pigsties. This condition is illustrated in PL XXIX,
where a widow's house is shown literally resting above the stone walls
of several sties. Unlike the fawi and pabafunan, the o'-lftg has no
adjoining court, and no shady surroundings. It is built to house the
occupants only at night.

The o^-lllg is not so distinctly an ato institution as the pabafunan
and fawi. Ato Ungkan never had an o^-lllg. The demand is not so
urgent as that of some ato, since there are only thirteen families
in Ungkan. The girls occupy o'-14g of neighboring ato.

The o'-lftg of Luwakan, of Lowingan, and of Sipaat (the last situated
in Lowingan) are broken down and unused at present There are no
marriageable girls in any of these three ato now, and the small girls
occupy near-by o'-lftg. These three o'-lSg will be rebuilt when the girls
are large enough to cook food for the men who build. The o'-lftg of
Amkawa is in Buyayyeng near the o'-llg of the latter; it is there by
choice of the occupants.

Mageo, with her twenty families, also has two o'-l&g, but both are
situated in Pudpudchog.

The o'-l&g is the only Igorot building which has received a specific
name, all others bear simply the class name.^

In Sagada and some nearby pueblos, as Takong and Agawa, the
o'-llg is said to be called If-gan'.

Mr. S. H. Damant is quoted from the Calcutta Review (vol. 61, p. 93)
as saying that among the N&gSs, frontier tribes of northeast India —

Only very young children live entirely with their parents; • • • the
women have also a house of their own called the "dekhi chang/' where the unmar-
ried girls are supposed to live.

^The o'-l&g of Buyayyeng Is known as La-ma'-kan ; that of Amkawa. In Buyajryens, Is
Ma-fa'-lat; that of Polupo Is Ma-lu-fan'. The two of Fatayyan are Ka-lang'-kang and
A-la'-ti. Ta-ting' is the o'-lftg in the Tang-e-ao' section of Fatayyan. Chung-ma' is the
one In Fillg. Lang-i-a' and Ah-Io' are the two of Mageo, both in Pudpudchog. The o'-I&g
of Chakong is called Kat'-sa, and that of Lowingan is Si-mang'-an. The one of Pudpud-
chog Is TOd-ka'. Sung-ub' is the o'-l&g of Sipaat. situated in Lowingan. Kay-pa',
Tek-a-llng. and Sak-a-ya' are, respectively, the o'-l&g of Slglchan. Somowan, and Poklsan.
Ag-Iay'-In is the o'-l&g of Luwakan, and Tal-pug and Say-ki'-pit are o'-l&g of Choko and
Longfoy, respectively.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] THE FAMILY DWELLINGS 55

Again Mr. Damant wrote:

I saw Dekhi chang here for the first time. All the unmarried girls sleep there
at night, but it is deserted in the day. It is not much different from any ordinary
house. ^

Separate sleeping houses for girls similar to the o'-lag, I judge, are
also found occasionally in Assam.*

Whereas, so far as known, the o'-lag occurs with the Igorot only
among the Bontoc culture group, yet the above quotations and references
point to a similar institution among distant people — ^among some of the
same people who have an institution very similar to the pabafunan
and fawi.

APONG

A'-fong is the general name for Bontoc dwellings, of which there
are two kinds. The first is the fay'-u (Pis. XXXIV and XXXVI),
the large, open, board dwelling, some 12 by 15 feet square, with
side walls only 3^ feet high, and having a tall, top-heavy grass roof.
It is the home of the prosperous. The other is the kat-yu'-fong
(PL XXXVII), the smaller, closed, frequently mud-walled dwelling
of poor families, and commonly of the widows.

The family dwelling primarily serves two purposes — it is the place
where the man, his wife, and small child sleep, and where the entire
family takes its food.

The f ay'-ii is built at considerable expense. Three or four men are
required for a period of about two months to get out the pine boards
and timbers in the forest Each piece of timber for any permanent
building is completed at the time it is cut from the tree, and is left
to season in the mountains; sometimes it remains several years. (See
PI. XXXV.) When all is ready to construct the dwelling the owner
announces his intention. Some 200 men of the pueblo gather to erect
the building, and two or three dozen women come to prepare and cook
the necessary food, for, whereas no wage is paid the laborers, all are
feasted at the cost of much rice and several hogs and a carabao or two.
The toiling and feasting continue about ten days.

The following description of a fay'-ii is of an ordinary dwelling in
Bontoc pueblo : The f ay'-u are all constructed on the same plan, though
a few are larger than the one here described, and some few are smaller.
The front and back walls of the house are 3 feet 6 inches high and 12
feet 6 inches long. The two side walls are the same height as the ends,
but are 15 feet 6 inches long. The rear wall is built of stones carefully
chinked with mud. The side walls consist each of two boards extending
the full length of the structure. The front wall is cut near the middle

>The Journal of The Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. xxn,
pp. 179, 180.

'Op. clt. vol. xxn, p. 248.

Digitized by

Google

56 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

from top to bottom with a doorway 1 foot 4 inches wide; otherwise the
front wall is like the two side walls, except that it has a roughly
triangular timber grooved along the lower side and fitted over the top
board as a cap. The doorposts are two timbers sunk in the ground;
their tops fit into the two ''caps,'' and each has a groove from top to
bottom into which the ends of the boards of the front wall are inserted.
A few dwellings have a door consisting of a single board set on end
and swinging on a projection sunk in a hole in a doorsill buried in the
earth; the upper part of the door swings on a string secured tb the
doorpost and passing through a hole in the door.

At each of the four corners of the building, immediately inside the
walls, is a post set in the groilnd and standing 6 feet 9 inches high.
The boards of the walls are tied to these comer posts, and the greater
part of the weight of the roof rests on their tops. Four other posts, also
planted in the ground and about as high as the comer posts, stand about
4 feet inside the walls of the house equidistant from the comer post and
marking the corners of a rectangle about 5^ feet square. They directly
support the second story of the building.

There is no floor except the earth in the first story of the Bontoc
dwelling, and from the door at the front of the building to the two
rear posts of the four central ones there is an unobstructed passage or
aisle called "cha-la'-nan." At one^s left, as he enters the door, is a
small room called "chap-an'" 5^ feet square separated from the aisle
by a row of low stones partially sunk in the earth. The earth in this
room is excavated so that the floor is about 1 foot lower than that of
the remainder of the building, and in its center the peculiar double
wooden rice mortar is imbedded in the eartli. It is in the chap-an'
that the family rice and millet is threshed. At the left of the aisle and
immediately beyond the chap-an', separated from it by a board partition
the same height as the outside walls of the house, u the cooking room,
called "cha-le-ka-nan' si mo-o'-to.'^ It is approximately the same size
as the threshing room. There are neither boards nor stones to cut
this cooking room oflE from the open aisle of the hjuse, but its width
is determined by a low pile of stones built along its farther side from the
outer house wall toward the aisle and ending at the rear left post of
the four central ones. In the face of this stone wall are three con-
cavities— ^fireplaces over which cooking pots are placed. Arranged along
the outer wall, and about 2 feet high, is a board shelf on which the
water jars are kept.

At the right of the aisle, as one enters the building, is a broad shelf
about 12 feet long; in width it extends from the side wall to the two
right central posts. On this shelf, called "chto'-so," are placed the
various baskets and other utensils . and implements of everyday use.
Beneath it are stored the small cages or coops in which the chickens

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS]

THE FAMILY DWBLUNGS 57

sleep at night. There are a few f ay'-ii in Bontoc in which the threshing
room and cooking room are on the right of the aisle and the long bench
is on the left, but they are very rare exceptions.

In the rear of the building is a board partition apparently extending
from one side wall to the other. The bench at the right of the aisle
ends against this partition^ and on the left the stone fireplaces are
built against it. This rear section is covered over with boards at the
height of the outside wall, so that a low box is formed, 3^ feet high
and 4i feet wide. At the rear of the aisle a door 3 feet high and 1
foot 4 inches wide swings into this rear apartment, which, when
the door is again closed, is as black as night An examination of the
inside of this section shoWs it to be entirely walled with stones except
where the narrow door cuts it By inside measure it is only 3 feet 6
inches wide and 6 feet 6 inches long. This is the sleeping apartment,
and is called ang-an'. As one crawls into this kennel he is likely to
place his hands among ashes and charred sticks which mark the place for
a fire on cold nights. The left end of the ang-an' contains two boards
or beds for the man and his wife. Each board is about 18 inches wide
and 4 feet long; they are raised 2 or 3 inches from the earth, and the
head of the bed is slightly higher than the foot. A pole is laid across
the apartment at the lower end of the sleeping boards, and on this the
occupants rest their feet and toast them before the small fire. At both
ends of the ang-an', outside the store walls> is a small hidden secret
space called *Tc^b-kflb,^^ in which the family hides many of its choice
possessions. During abundant camote gathering, however, I have seen
the kiib-Wib filled with camotes. I should probably not have discovered
these spaces had there not been so great a discrepancy between the inside
measure of the sleeping room and width of the building.

I know of no other primitive dwellings in the Philippines than the
ones in the Bontoc culture area which are built directly on the ground.
Most of them are raised on posts several feet from the earth. Some
few have side walls extending to the ground, but even those have a
floor raised 2, 3, or more feet from the ground and which is reached by
means of a short ladder.

The second story of the Bontoc dwelling is supported on flie four
central posts. On all sides it projects beyond them, so that it is about
7 feet square; it is about 5 feet high. A door enters the second story
directly from the aisle, and is reached by an 8-foot ladder. This second
story is constructed, floor and side walls, of boards. The side walls
cease at about the height of 2 feet where a horizontal shelf is built on
them extending outside of them to the roof. It is about 2 feet wide
and is usually stored with unthreshed rice and miUet or with jars of
preserved meats. Just at the left on the floor, as one enters the second
story, is an earth-filled square comer walled in by two poles. On this

Digitized by

Google

58 THE BONTOC IGOBOT [bth-subv.!

earth are three stones — ^the fireplace, where each year a chicken is
cooked in a household ceremony at the close of rice harvests.

Hising above the second story is a third. In the smaller dwellings
this third story is only an attic of the second, but in the larger buildings
it is an independent story. To be sure, it is entwed through the floor,
but a ladder is used, and its floor is of strong heavy boards. It is at all
times a storeroom, usually only for cereals. In the smaller houses it
amounts simply to a broad shelf about the height of one's waist as he
stands on the floor of the second story and his head and upper body rise
through the hole in the floor. In the larger houses a person may climb
into the third story and work there with practically as much freedom
as in the second.

The 5-foot ridgepole of the steep, heavy, grass roof is supported by
two posts rising from the basal timbers of the third story. The roof
falls away sharply from the ridgepole not only at the sides but at the
ends, so that, except at the ridge, the roof appears square. Immediately
beneath both ends of the ridgepole there is a small opening in the grass
through which the smoke of the cooking flres is supposed to escape.
However, I have scarcely ever seen smoke issue from them, and, since
the entire inner part of the building from the floor of the second story
to the ridgepole is thickly covered with soot, it seems that little
unconsumed carbon escapes through the smoke holes. The lower part
of the roof, for 3^ feet, descends at a less steep angle, thus forming
practically an awning against sun and rain. Its lower edge is about
4 feet from the ground and projects some 4 feet beyond the side walls
of the lower story.

The kat-yu'-fong, the dwelling of the poor, consists of a one-story
structure built on the ground with the earth for the floor. Some such
buildings have a partition or partial partition running across them,
beyond which are the sleeping boards, and there are shelves here and
there; but the kat-yu'-fong is a makeshift, and consequently is not so
fixed a type of dwelling as the fay'-ii.

Piled close around the dwellings is a supply of firewood in the shape
of pine blocks 3 or 4 feet long, usually cut from large trees. These
blocks furnish favorite lounging places for the women. The people
live most of the time outside their dwellings, and it is there that the
social life of the married women is. Any time of day they may be seen
close to the a'-fong in the shade of the low, projecting roof sitting
spinning or paring camotes; often three or four neighbors sit thus
together and gossip. The men are seldom with them, being about the
ato buildings in the daytime when not working. A few small children
may be about the dwelling, as the little girls frequently help in prepar-
ing food for cooking.

During the day the dwelling is much alone. When it is so left one and

Digitized by

Google

JBNS8] THB BEABING OF CHILDBEN 59

Bometimes two runo stalks are set up in the earth on each side of the door
leaning against the roof and projecting some 8 feet in the air. This is
the pud-i-pud', the "ethics lock*^ on an Igorot dwelling. An Igorot who
enters the a'-fong of a neighbor when the pud-i-pnd' is up is called a
thief — ^in the mind of all who see him he is such.

THE FAMILY

Bontoc families are monogamous^ and monogamy is the rule through-
out the area, though now and then a man has two wives. The presidente
of Titipan has five wives, for each of whom he has a separate house,
and during my residence in Bontoc he was building a sixth house for
a new wife; but such a family is the exception — I never heard of another.

Many marriage unions produce eight and ten children, though, since
the death rate is large, it is probable that families do not average more
than six individuals.

CHILDBIBTH

A woman is usually about her daily labors in the house, the mountains,
or the irrigated fields almost to the hour of childbirth. The child
is bom without feasting or ceremony, and only two or three friends
witness the birth. The father of the child is there, if he is the woman's
husband; the girl's mother is also with her, but usually there are no
others, unless it be an old woman.

The expectant woman stands with her body bent strongly forward at
the waist and supported by the hands grasping some convenient house
timber about the height of the hips; or she may take a more animal-like
position, placing both hands and feet on the earth.

The labor, lasting three or four hours, is unassisted by medicines or
baths; but those in attendance — the man as well as the woman — Chasten
the birth by a gently downward drawing of the hands about the woman's
abdomen.

During a period of ten days after childbirth the mother frequently
bathes herself about the hips and abdomen with hot water, but has no
change of diet For two or three days she keeps the house closely,
reclining much of the time.

The Igorot woman is a constant laborer from the age of puberty,
or before, until extreme incapacity of old age stays the hands of toil ; but
for two or three months following the advent of each babe the mother
does not work in the fields. She busies herself about the house and with
the new-found duties of a mother, while the husband performs her
labors in the fields.

The Igorot loves all his children, and says, when a boy is bom, "It
is good," and if a girl is bom he says it is equally "good" — it is the
fact of a child in the family that makes him happy. People in the

Digitized by

Google

60 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.subv.i

Igorot stage of culture have little occasion to prize one sex over the
other. The Igorot neither, even in marriage. One is practically as
capable as the other at earning a living, and both are needed in the

group.

Six or seven days after biri;h a chicken is killed and eaten by the family
in honor of the child, but there is no other ceremony — there is not
even a special name for the feast.

If a woman gives biriii to a stillborn child it is at once washed,
wrapped in a bit of cloth, and buried in a camote sementera close to
the dwelling.

TWINS

The Igorot do not understand twins — ^na-a-pik', as the say. Carabaos
have only one babe at a birth, so why should women have two babes?
they ask. They believe that one of the twins, which imfortunate one
they call "a-tin-fu-yang',^' is an anito child; it is the oflEspring of an
anito.^ The anito father is said to have been with the mother of the
twins in her unconscious slumber, and she is in no way criticised or
reproached.

The most quiet babe, or, if they are equally quiet, the larger one,
is said to be "a-tin-f u-yang',^' and is at once placed in an olla and buried
alive in a sementera near the dwelling.

On the 13th of April, 1903, the wife of A-li-koy', of Samoki, gave
birth to twin babies. Contrary to the advice and solicitations of the
old men and the imiversal custom of the people, A-li-koy' saved both
children, because, as he pointed out, an Ilokano of Bontoc had twin
children, now 7 years old, and they are all right. Thus the breaking
down of this peculiar form of infanticide may have begun.

ABORTION

Both married and unmarried women practice abortion when for any
reason the prospective child is not desired. It is usual, however, for
the mother of a pregnant girl to object to her aborting, saying that
soon she would become "po'-ta" — the common mate of several men,
rather than the faithful wife of one.

Abortion is accomplished without the use of drugs and is successful
only during the first eight or ten weeks of pregnancy. The abdomen is
bathed for several days in hot water, and the body is pressed and
stroked downward with the hands. The foetus is buried by the woman.
Only the woman herself or her mother or other near female friend is
present at the abortion, though no effort is made at secrecy and its
practice is no disgrace.

^An anito. as is developed in a later chapter, is the name given the spirit of a dead
person. The anito dwell in and about the pueblo, and, among other of their functions,
they cause most all diseases and ailments of the people and practically all deaths.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] THE OHILD AT HOME 61

THE CHILD
CARE OF OUILD IN PABENTS' DWELLINO

All male babes are called ^Tcil-lang''' and all girl babes "gna-an'/'
All live practically the same life day after day. Their sole nourishment
is their mother's milk, varied now and then by that of some other
woman, if the mother is obliged to leave the babe for a half day or so.
When the babe's first teeth appear it has a slight change of diet; its
attendant now and then feeds it cooked rice, thoroughly masticated and
mixed with saliva. This food is passed to the child's mouth directly
from that of the attendant by contact of lips — quite as the domestic
canary feeds its young. The babes are always unclothed, and for several
months are washed daily in cold water, usually both morning and night.
It is a common sight at the river to see the mother, who has come
down with her babe on her back for an oUa of water, bathe the babe,
who never seems at all frightened in the process, but to enjoy it — ^this,
too, at times when the water would seem to be uncomfortably cold.
One often sees the father or grandmother washing the older babes at
the river.

But in spite of these baths the Igorot babe, at least after it has
reached the age of six or eight months, when seen in the pueblo is
almost without exception very dirty; a child of a year or a year and
a half is usually repulsively so. Its head has received no attention
since birth, and is scaly and dirty if not actually full of sores. Its
baths are now relatively infrequent, and its need of them as it plays
on the dirt floor of the dwelling or pabafunan even more urgent than
when it spent most of its time in the carrying blanket.

Babes have no cradles or stationary places for rest or sleep. A babe,
slumbering or awake, is never laid down alone because of the fear
that an anito will injure it. At night the babe sleeps between its parents,
on its mother's arm. It spends its days almost without exception sit-
ting in a blanket which is tied over the shoulder of one of its parents,
its brother, or its sister. There it hangs, awake or asleep, sitting or
sprawling, often a pitiable little object with the sun in its eyes and the
flies hovering over its dirty face. Frequently a child of only 5 or 6 years
old may be seen with a babe on its back, and older children are constant
baby tenders. Babes may be found in the fawi and pabafiman where
the men are lounging (PI. XXXII), and the old men and women also
care for their grandchildren. Grown people quite as commonly carry
the babe astride one hip if they have an empty hand which they can put
around itj and often a mother along the trail carries it at her breast
where it seemingly nurses as contentedly as when in the shade of the
dwelling.

Children are generally weaned long before they are 2 years old, but

Digitized by

Google

62 THE BONTOO lOOROT [bth.8ubv.i

twice I have seen a young pillager of 5 years, while patting and stroking
his mother's hips and body as she transplanted rice, yield to his early
baby instinct and suckle from her pendant breasts

After the child is about 2 years of age it is not customary for it to
sleep longer at the home of the parents; the girl goes nightly to the
olag, and the boy to the pabafunan or the fawi. However, this is not
a hard-and-fast rule, and the age at which the child goes to the olag
or fawi depends much on circumstances. The length of time it sleeps
with the parents doubtless depends upon the advent or nonadvent of
another child. If a little girl has a widowed grandmother or aunt she
may sleep for a few years with her. During the warmer months one
or two children may sleep on the stationary broad bench, the chukso, in
the open part of the parents' house. It is safe to say that after the
ages of 6 or 7 all children are found nightly in the olag, pabafunan, or
fawi. I have seen a group of little girls from 4 to . 10 years old,
immediately after supper and while some families were still eating,
sitting around a small blaze of fire just outside the door of their olag.
The Igorot child as a rule knows its parents' home only aa a place to
eat There is almost an entire absence of anything which may be
called home life.

NAIOKQ

The Igorot has no definite system of naming. Parents may frequently
change the name of a child, and an individual may change his during
maturity. There are several reasons why names are changed, but there
is no system, nor is it ever necessary to change them.

A child usually receives its first personal name between the years of 2
and 5. This first name is always that of some dead ancestor, usually
only two or three generations past. The reason for this is the belief
that the anito of tiie ancestor cares for and protects its descendants
when they are abroad. If the name a child bears is that of a dead
ancestor it will receive the protection of the anito of the ancestor ; if the
child does not prosper or has accidents or ill health, the parents will
seek a more careful or more benevolent protector in the anito of some
other ancestor whose name is given the child.

To illustrate this changing of names : A boy in Tukukan, two hours
from Bontoc, was first named Sa-pang' when less than a year old. At
the end of a year the paternal grandfather, An-ti'-ko, died in Tukukan,
and the babe was named An-ti'-ko. In a few years the bo/s father
died, and the mother married a man in Bontoc, the home of her
childhood. She moved to Bontoc with her boy, and then changed his
name to Fa-li-kao', her dead father's name. The reason for this last
change was because the anito of An-ti'-ko, always in or about Tukukan,
could not care for the child in Bontoc, whereas the anito of Pa-li-kao'
in Bontoc could do so.

Digitized by

Google

j«NK8] cmcuMcisiON 63

The selection of the names of ancestors is shown by the following
generations :

1. Mang-i-lot'

2. Cho-kas'

3. Kom-Ung'

4. Mang-i-lot'

6 a. Kom-ling'

5 b. Ta-kay'-j5ng

6 c. T6ng-aV
5d. Ka-wgng'

Mang-i-lof (4) is the baby name of an old man now about 60 years
old; it was the name of his great-grandfather (1). Numbers 5a, bb,
5 c, and 5 d are the sons of Mang-i-lot' (4), all of whom died before
receiving a second name. The child Kom-ling' (5 a) was given the
name of his paternal grandfather (3). Ta-kay'-ySng (6 6) bears the
name of his maternal great-grandfather. T§ng-ab' (6 c) and Ka-wSng'
(6 d) both bear the names of uncles, brothers of the bo/s mother. The
present name of Mang-i-lof (4) is 0-lu-wan'; this is the name of a
man at Barlig whose head was the first one taken by Mang-i-lot'. A
man may change his name each time he takes a head, though it is
not customary to do so more than once or twice.

Girls as well as boys may receive during childhood two or three names,
that they may receive the protection of an anito. In Igorot names there
is no vestige of a kinship group tracing relation through either the
paternal or maternal line.

The people are generally reticent about telling their names; and
when they do tell, the name given is usually the one borne in childhood;
an old man will generally answer *^ am-a'-ma,^' meaning simply "old
man.'*

dBOUMOISIOIT

Most boys are circumcised at from 4 to 7 years of age. The act of
circumcision, called "sig-i-at','* occurs privately without feasting or
rite. The only formality is the payment of a few leaves of tobacco to
the man who performs the operation. There are one or two old men in
each ato who tinderstand circumcision, but there is no cult for its
performance or perpetuation.

The foreskin is cut lengthwise on the upper side for half an inch.
Either a sharp, blade-like piece of bamboo is inserted in the foreskin
which is cut from the inside, or the back point of a battle-ax is stuck
firmly in the earth, and the foreskin is cut by being drawn over the
sharp point of the blade.

The Igorot say that if the foreskin is not cut it will grow long, as
does the undipped camote vine. What the origin or purpose of circum-
cision was is not now known by the people of Bontoc. The practice is

Digitized by

Google

64 THE BONTOO IGOROT [BTH.auBv.i

believed to have come with them from an earlier home ; it is widespread
in the Archipelago.

AMUSEMSNTS

The life of little girls is strangely devoid of games and playthings.
They have no dolls and I have never seen them play with the puppies
which are scattered throughout the pueblo much of the year — both
common playthings for the girls of primitive people. It is not improb-
able that the instinct which compels most girls, no matter what their
grade of culture, to play the mother is given full expression in the
necessary care of babes — ^a care in which the girls, often themselves
almost babes, have a much larger part than their brothers. Girls also
go to the fields with their parents much more than do the boys.

Girls and boys never play together in the same group. Time and
again one comes suddenly on a romping group of chattering, naked
little boys or girls. They usually run noiselessly into the nearest
foliage or behind the nearest building, and there stand unmoving, as
a pursued chicken pokes its head into the grass and seems to think itself
hidden.- They need not be afraid of one, seeing him every day, yet
the instinct to flee is strong in them — ^they do exactly what their mothers
do when suddenly met in the trail — they run away,- or start to.

Several times I have found little girls building tiny sementeras with
pebbles, and it is probable they play at planting and harvesting the crops
common to their pueblo. They have one game called "I catch your
ankle," which is the best expression of unfettered childplay and mirth
I have ever seen.

After the sun had dropped behind the mountain close to the pueblo,
from six to a dozen girls ranging from 5 to 10 or 11 years of age
came almost nightly to the smooth grass plat in front of our house to
play "sis-sis'-ki" (I catch your ankle). They laid aside their blankets
and lined up nude in two opposing lines twelve or fifteen feet apart.
AH then called: "Sis^:sis'-ki ad wa'-ni wa'-ni!" (which is, "I catch your
ankle, now! now!"). Immediately the two lines crouched on their
haunches, and, in half -sitting posture, with feet side by side, each girl
bounced toward her opponent endeavoring to catch her ankle. After
the two attacking parties met they intermingled, running and tumbling,
chasing and chased, and the successful girl rapidly dragged her victim by
the ankle along the grass until caught and thrown by a relief party or
driven away by the approach of superior numbers. They lined up anew
every five or ten minutes.

During the entire game, lasting a full half hour or until night settled
on them or a mother came to take home one of the little, romping, wild
things — ^just as the American child is called from her games to an early
l)ed — peal after peal of the heartiest, sweetest laughter rang a constant
chorus.

Digitized by

Google

H
Z

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I
I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

111

z
111

I-

z
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
111

o
<
z

111

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
o

Ul
CD

I
t

o
o

K
X

00 ^

^ u,
C H

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate XL. THE BABY TENDERS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

PiATf XLI. 80M-KAD'8' DEATH CHAIR.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.
Plate XLIV. BUQ-TI' WITH HIS WILD-COCK SNARE.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

PtATE XLV. WIRE COCK SNARE SET. WITH LURE COCK IN CENTER.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

Plate XLVI. WILD-CAT CAUGHT IN THE SNARE KOK-O'-LANQ.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JENK8] boys' amusements 65

The boys have at least two systematic games. One is ttg-Mg-to', in
imitation of a ceremonial of the men after each annual rice harvest.
The game is a combat with rocks, and is played sometimes by thirty
or forty boys, sometimes by a much smaller number. The game is a
contest — usually between Bontoc and Samoki — ^with the broad, gravelly
river bed as the battle ground. There they charge and retreat as one
side gains or loses ground; the rocks fly fast and straight, and are
sometimes warded off by small basket-work shields shaped like the
wooden ones of war. They sometimes play for an hour and a half at a
time, and I have not yet seen them play when one side was not routed
and driven home on the run amid the shouts of the victors.

The other game is kag-kag-tin'. It is also a game of combat and
of opposing sides, but it is not so dangerous as the other and there
are no bruises resulting. Some half-dozen or a dozen boys play
kag-kag-tin' charging and retreating, fighting with the bare feet.
The naked foot necessitates a different kick than the one shod with
a rigid leather shoe; the stroke from an unshod foot is more like
a blow from the fist shot out from the shoulder. The foot lands
flat and at the side of or behind the kicker, and the blow is aimed
at the trunk or head — it usually lands higher than the hips. This
game in a combat between individuals of the opposing sides, though
two often attack a single opponent until he is rescued by a companion.
The game is over when the retreating side no longer advances to the
combat.

The boys are constantly throwing reed spears, and they are fairly
expert spearmen several years before they have a steel-bladed spear of
their own. Frequently they roll the spherical grape fruit and throw
their reeds at the fruit as it passes.

Here, there, and everywhere, singly or in groups, boys perform the
Igorot dance step. A tin can in a boy's hands is irresistibly beaten
in rhythmic time, and the dance as surely follows the peculiar rhythmic
beating as the beating follows the possession of the can. As the boys
come stringing home at night from watching the palay fields, they
come dancing, rhythmically beating a can, or two sticks, or their dinner
basket, or beating time in the air — as though they held a gangsa. The
dance is in them, and they amuse themselves with it constantly.

Both boys and girls are much in the river, where they swim and
dive with great frolic.

During the months of January and February, 1903, when there was
much wind, the boys were daily fiying kites, but it is a pastime borrowed
of the Ilokano in the pueblo. Now and then a little fellow may be seen
with a small, very rude bow and arrow, which also is borrowed from
the Ilokano since the arrival of the Spaniard.
16223 5

Digitized by

Google

66 THE BONTOC IGOUOT [bth. surv. i

PUBEBTY

Puberty is reached relatively late, usually between the fourteenth and
sixteenth years. No notice whatever is taken of it by the social group.
There is neither feast nor rite to mark the event cither for the individual
or the group.

This nonobservance of the fact of puberty would be very remarkable,
since its observance is so widespread among primitive people, were it
not for the fact that the Igorot has developed the olag — ^an institution
calculated to emphasize the fact and significance of pubt^ty.

LIFE IN OLAG

Though the o'-l&g is primarily the sleeping place of all unmarried
girls, in the mind of the people it is, with startling consistency, the
mating place of the young people of marriageable age.

A common sight on a rest day in the pueblo is that of a young man
and woman, each with an arm around the other, loitering about under
the same blanket, talking and laughing, one often almost supporting the
other. There seems at all times to be the greatest freedom and friend-
liness among the young people. I have seen both a young man carrying
a young woman lying horizontally along his shoulders, and a young
woman carr}^ing a young man astride her back. However, practically
all courtship is carried on in the o'-lag.

The courtship of the Igorot is closely defined when it is said that
marriage never takes place prior to sexual intimacy, and rarely prior
to pregnancy. There is one exception. This is when a rich and
influential man marries a girl against her desires, but through the
urgings of her parents.

It is customar}' for a young man to be sexually intimate with one,
two, three, and even more girls at the same time. Two or more of
them may be residents of one o'-lag, and it is common for two or three
men to visit the same o'-lftg at one time.

A girl is almost invariably faithful to her temporar}' lover, and this
fact is the more surprising in the face of the young man's freedom
and the fact that the o'-l&g is nightly filled with little girls whose moral
training is had there.

Young men are boldly and pointedly invited to the o'-lag. A common
form of invitation is for the girl to steal a man^s pipe, his pocket hat,
or even the breechcloth he is wearing. They say one seldom recovers
his property without going to the o'-lag for it.

When a girl recognizes her pregnancy she at once joyfully tells her
condition to the father of the child, as all women desire children and
there are few permanent marriages unblessed by them. The young
man, if he does not wish to marry the girl, may keep her in ignorance

Digitized by

Google

JBNKs] TEIAL MABBIAGB 67

of his intentions for two or ihree months. If at last he tells her he
will not marry her she receives the news with many tears, it is said,
but is spared the gossip and reproach of others, and she will later become
the wife of some other man, since her first -child has proved her
power to bear children.

When the girl's mother notices her condition she asks who the
father of the child is, and on being told that the man will not marry
her the mother often tries to exert a rather tardy influence for better
morals. She says, "That is bad. Why have you done this?^* (when
the chances are that the unfortunate girl was bom into a family of but
one head) ; "it will be well for him to give the child a sementera to
work.'' About the same time the young man informs his mother of his
relations with the girl, and of her condition, and again the maker of a
people's morals seems to attempt to mold the already hardened clay.
She says, "My son, that is bad. Why have you done it? Why do you
not marry her?'' And the son answers simply and truthfully, "I have
another girl." Without attempt at remonstrance the father gives a rice
sementera to the child when it is 6 or 7 years old, for that is the price
fixed by the group conscience for deserting a girl with a child.

It is not usual for a married man to go to the o'-l&g, though a young
man may go if one of his late mates is still alone. He is usually
welcomed by the girl, for there may yet be possibilities of her becoming
his permanent wife. A man whose wife is pregnant, however, seldom
visits the o'-l&g, because he fears that, if he does, his wife's child will
be prematurely bom and die.

The o'-l&g is built where the girls desire it and is said to be conmionly
located in places accessible to the men; this appears true to one going
over the pueblo with this statement in mind.

The life in the o'-l&g does not seem to weaken the boys or girls or cause
them to degenerate, neither does it appear to make them vicious.
Whereas there is practically no sense of modesty among the people, I have
never seen anything lewd. Though there is no such thing as virtue, in
the modem sense of the word, among the young people after puberty,
children before puberty are said to be virtuous, and the married woman
is said always to be true to her husband.

According to a recent translator of Blumentritt^ that author is made
to say (evidently speaking of the o'-l&g) :

Amongst most of the tribes [Igorot] the chastity of maidens is carefully
guarded, and in some all the young girls are kept together till marriage in a large
house where, guarded by old women, they are taught the industries of their sex,
such as Weaving, pleating, making cloth from the bark of trees, etc.

1 David J. Doherty, M. D., translator of The Philippines, A Summary Account of their
[Ethnological, Historical, and Political Conditions, by Ferdinand Blumentritt, etc. (Chicago,
1900), p. 16.

Digitized by

Google

68 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. bubv.i

There is no such institution in Bontoo- Igorot society. The purpose
of the o'-lag is as far from enforcing chastity as it well can be. The
old women never frequent the o'-lag, and the lesson the girls leam there
is the necessity for maternity, not the "industries of their sex" — ^which
children of very primitive people acquire quite as a young fowl learns
to scratch and get its food.

MAEBIAOE

The ethics of the group forbid certain unions in marriage. A man
may not marry his mother, his stepmother, or a sister of either. He may
not marry his daughter, stepdaughter, or adopted daughter. He may
not marry his sister, or his brother's widow, or a first cousin by blood
or adoption. Sexual intercourse between persons in the above relations
is considered incest, and does not often occur. The line of kin does
not appear to be traced as far as second cousin, and between such there
are no restrictions.

Eich people often pledge their small children in marriage, though, as
elsewhere in the world, love, instead of the plans of parents, is generally
the foundation of the family. In February, 1903, the rich people of
Bontoc were quite stirred up over the sequel to a marriage plan projected
some fifteen years before. Two families then pledged their children.
The boy grew to be a man of large stature, while the girl was much
smaller. The man wished to marry another young woman, who
fought the first girl when visited by her to talk over the matter. Then
the blind mother of the pledged girl went to the dwelling, accompanied
by her brother, one of the richest men in the pueblo, whereupon the
father and mother of the successful girl knocked them down and beat
them. To all appearances the young lovers will marry in spite of the
early pledges of parents. They say such quarrels are common.

If a man wishes to marry a woman and she shares his desire, or if
on her becoming pregnant he desires to marry her, he speaks with her
parents and with his. If either of her parents objects, no marriage
occurs; but he does not usually falter, even though his parents do
object. They say the advent of a babe seldom fails to win the good
will of the young man's parents. In the case of the girl's pregnancy,
marriage is more assured, and her father builds or gives her a house.
The olag is no longer for her. In her case it has served its ultimate
purpose — it has announced her puberty and proved her powers of
womanhood. In the case of a desire of marriage before the girl is
pregnant she usually sleeps in the olag, as in the past, and the young man
spends most of his nights with her. It is customary for the couple to
take their meals with the parents of the girl, in which case the young
man gives his labors to the family. The period of his labors is
usually less tiian a year, since it is customary for him to give his affec-

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] DIVORCE 69

tions to another girl within a year if the first one does not become
pregnant.

In other words their union is a true trial union. If the trial is
successful the girl's father builds her a dwelling, and the marriage
ceremony occurs immediately upon occupation of the dwelling. The
ceremony is in two parts. The first is cJUUed "in-pa-ke'/' and at that
time a hog or carabao is killed, and the two young people start house-
keeping. The kap'-i-ya ceremony follows — among the rich this marriage
ceremony occupies two days, but with the poor only one day. The
kap'-i-ya is performed by an old man of the ato in which the couple is to
live. He suggestively places a hen's egg, some rice, and some tapui^ in
a dish before him while he addresses Lumawig, the one god, as follows :

ThoU; Lumawig! now these children desire to unite in marriage. They wish
to be blessed with many children. When they possess pigs, may they grow large.
When they cultivate their palay, may it have large fruitheads. May their
chickens also grow large. When they plant their beans may they spread over
the ground. May they dwell quietly together in harmony. May the man's
vitality quicken the seed of the woman.

The two-day marriage ceremony of the rich is very festive. The
parents kill a wild carabao, as well as chickens and pigs, and the entire
pueblo comes to feast and dance. It is customary for the pueblo to
have a rest day, called "fo-sog'," following the marriage of the rich,
so the entire period given to the marriage is three days. Each party
to the marriage receives some property at the time from the parents.
There are no women in Bontoc pueblo who have not entered into the
trial union, though all have not succeeded in reaching the ceremony
of permanent marriage. However, notwithstanding all their standards
and trials, there are several happy permanent marriages which have never
been blessed with children. There are only two men in Bontoc who have
never been married and who never entered the trial stage, and both are
deaf and dumb.

DIVOBCn

The people of Bontoc say they never knew a man and woman to
separate if a child was born to the pair and it lived and they had
recognized themselves married. But, as the marriage is generally
prompted because a child is to be bom, so an unfruitful union is
generally broken in the hope that another will be more successful.

If either party desires to break the contract the other seldom objects.
If they agree to separate, the woman usually remains in their dwelling
and the man builds himself another. However, if either person objects,
it is the other who relinquishes the dwelling — the man because he can
build another and the woman because she seldom seeks separation imless
she knows of ^ home in which she will be welcome.

■ A fermented drink.

Digitized by

Google

70 THE BONTOC IGOROT [kth. surv. i

Nothing in the nature of alimony, except the dwelling, is commonly
given by either party to a divorce. There are two exceptions — ^in case
a party deserts he forfeits to the other one or more rice sementeras
or other property of considerable value; and, again, if the woman bore
her husband a child which died he must give her a sementera if he
leaves her.

THE WroOWBD

If either party to a marriage dies the other does not remarry for one
year. There is no penalty enforced by the group for an earlier marriage,
but the custom is firmly fixed. Should the surviving person marry
within a year he would die, being killed by an anito whose business it
is to punish such sacrilege. The widowed frequently remarry, as there
are certain advantages in their married life. It is quite impossible for a
man or woman alone to perform the entire round of Igorot labors. The
hours of labor for the lone person must usually be long and tiresome.

Most of the widowed live in the katyufong, the smaller dwelling of
the poor. The reason for this is that even if one has owned the better
class of dwelling, the fayu, it is generally given to a child at marriage,
the smaller house being suflBcient and suitable for the lone person,
especially as the widowed very frequently take their meals with some
married child.

ORPHANS

Orphans without homes of their own become members of the household
of an uncle or aunt or other near relative. The property they received
from their parents is used by the family into whose home they go. Upon
marriage the children receive the property as it was left them, the annual
increase having gone to the family which cared for them.

If there are no relatives, orphans with property readily find a home;
if there are neither relatives nor property, some family receives the
children more as servants than as equals. When they are married they
are usually not given more than a dwelling.

THE AGED

There are few old and infirm persons who have not living relatives.
Among these relatives are usually descendants who have been materially
benefited by property accumulated or kept intact by their aged kin. It
is the universal custom for relatives to feed and otherwise care for the
aged. Not much can be done for the infirm, and infirmity is the
beginning of the end with all except the blind.

The chances are that the old who have no relatives have at least a
little property. Such persons are readily cared for by some family
which uses the property at the time and falls heir to it when the owner

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] PATHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS 71

dies. There are a very few blind persons who have neither relatives nor
property, and these are cared for by families which oflEer assistance, and
two of these old blind men beg rice from dwelling to dwelling.

SICKNESS, DISEASE, AND REMEDIES

All disease, sickness, or ailment, however serious or slight, among
the Bontoc Igorot is caused by an a-ni'-to. If smallpox kills half a
dozen persons in one day, the fell work is that of an a-ni'-to ; if a man
receives a stone bruise on the trail an a-ni'-to is in the foot and must
be removed before recovery is possible. There is one exception to the
above sweeping charge against the a-ni'-to— the Igorot says that
toothache is caused by a small worm twisting and turning in the tooth.

Igorot society contains no person who is so malevolent as to cause
another sickness, insanity, or death. So charitable is the Igorof s view
of his fellows that when, a few years ago, two Bontoc men died of
poison administered by another town, the verdict was that the administer-
ing hands were directed by some vengeful or diabolical a-ni'-to.

As a people the Bontoc Igorot are healthful. It is seldom that an
epidemic reaches them; bubonic plague and leprosy are unknown to
them.

By far the majority of deaths among them is due to what the Igorot
calls fever — as they say, "im-po'-os nan a'-wak," or ^Tieat of the bod/^ —
but they class as "fever^^ half a dozen serious diseases, some almost
always fatal.

The men at times suffer with malaria. They go to the low west
coast as cargadors or as primitive merchants, and they return to their
mountain country enervated by the heat, their systems filled with impure
water, and their blood teeming with mosquito-planted malaria. They
get down with fever, lose their appetite, neither know the value of nor
have the medicines of civilization, their minds are often poisoned with
the superstitious belief that they will die — and they do die in from three
days to two months. In February, 1903, three cargadors died within
two weeks after returning from the coast.

Measles, chicken pox, typhus and typhoid fevers, and a disease result-
ing from eating new rice are undifferentiated by the Igorot — they are
his "fever.^^ Measles and chicken pox are generally fatal to children.
Igorot pueblos promptly and effectually quarantine against these diseases.
When a settlement is afflicted with either of them it shuts its doors
to all outsiders — even using force if necessary; but force is seldom
demanded, as other pueblos at once forbid their people to enter the
afflicted settlement. The ravages of typhus and typhoid fever may
be imagined among a people who have no remedies for them. The
diseased condition resulting each year from eating new rice has locally
been called ''rice cholera.^^ During the months of June, July, and

Digitized by

Google

72 THE BONTOO IGOROT [eth. subv. i

August — the two harvest months of rice and the one following — con-
siderable rice of the new crop is annually eaten. If rice has been
stored in the palay houses until it is sweated it is in every way a
healthful, nutritious food, but when eaten before it sweats it often
produces diarrhea, usually leading to aji acute bloody dysentery which
is often followed by vomiting and a sudden collapse — as in Asiatic
cholera.

In 1893 smallpox, ful-tang', came to Bontoc with a Spanish soldier
who was in the hospital from Quiangan. Some five or six adults and
sixty or seventy children died. The ravage took half a dozen in a day,
but the Igorot stamped out the plague by self-isolation. They talked
the situation over, agreed on a plan, and were faithful to it. All the
families not afflicted moved to the mountains; the others remained
to minister or be ministered to, as the case might be. About thirty-five
years ago smallpox wiped out a considerable settlement of Bontoc, called
La'-nao, situated nearer the river than are any dwellings at present.

About thirty years ago cholera, pish-ti', visited the people, and fifty or
more deaths resulted.

Some twelve years ago ka-lag'-nas, an \midentified disease, destroyed
a gfeat number of people, probably half a hundred. Those afflicted
were covered with small, itching festers, had attacks of nausea, and
death resulted in about three days.

Two women died in Bontoc in 1901 of beri-beri, called fu-tut. These
are the only cases known to have been there.

About ten years ago a man died from passing blood — an ailment
which the Igorot named literally "in-is'-fo cha'-la or in-tay'-es cha'-la.^'
It was not dysentery, as the person at no time had a diarrhea. He
gradually weakened from the loss of small amounts of blood until, in
about a year, he died.

The above are the only fatal diseases now in the common memory of
the pueblo of Bontoc.

It is believed 95 per cent of the people suffer at some time, probably
much of the time, with some skin disease. They say no one has been
known to die of any of these skin diseases, but they are weakening and
annoying. Itch, ku'-lid, is the most common, and it takes an especially
strong hold on the babes in arms. This ku'-lid is not the ko'-lud or
gos-gos, the white scaly itch found among the people surrounding those
of the Bontoc culture area but not known to exist within it.

Two or three people suffer with rheumatism, fig-fig, but are seldom
confined to their homes.

One man has consumption, o'-kat. He has been coughing five or
six years, and is very thin and weak.

Diarrhea, or o-gi'-ak, frequently makes itself felt, but for only one
or two days at a time. It is most common when the locusts swarm

Digitized by

Google

JKNK8] PATHOLOGICAL CONDITIONS 73

over the country, and the people eat them abundantly for seVeral days.
They say no one, not even a babe, ever died of diarrhea.

Two of the three prostitutes of Bontoe, the cast-oflE mistresses of
Spanish soldiers, have syphilis, or na-na. Formerly one civilian was
afflicted, and at present four or five of the Constabulary soldiers have
contracted the disease.

Lang-ing'-i, a disease of sores and ulcers on the lips, nostrils, and
rectum, afflicted a few people three or four years ago. This disease
is very common in the pueblo of Ta-kong', but is reported as never
causing death.

Goiter, fi-kek' or fin-to'-k€l, is quite conmion with adults, and is
more common with women than men.

Varicose veins, o'-pat, are not uncommon on the calves of both men
and women.

Many old people suffer greatly with toothache, called "pa-tug' nan
fob-a'." They say it is caused by a small worm, fi'-kis, which wriggles
and twists in the tooth. When one has an aching tooth extracted he
looks at it and inquires where "fi'-kis^^ is.

They suffer little from colds^ mo-tug', and one rarely hears an
Igorot cough.

Headache, called both sa-kit' si o'-lo and pa-tug' si o'-lo, rarely
occurs except with fever.

Sore eyes, a condition known as in-o'-ki, are very frequently seen;
they doubtless precede most cases of blindness.

The Igorot bears pain well, but his various fatalistic superstitions
make him often an easy victim to a malady that would yield readily to
the science of modern medicine and from which, in the majority of
cases, he would probably recover if his mind could only assist his body
in withstanding the disease.

One is surprised to find that sores from bruises do not generally heal
quickly.

The Igorot attempts no therapeutic remedies for fevers, cholera, beri-
beri, rheumatism, consumption, diarrhea, syphilis, goiter, colds, or sore
eyes.

Some effort, therapeutic in its intent, is made to assist nature in
overcoming a few of the simplest ailments of the body.

For a cut, called "na-fa'-kag,'' the fruit of a grass-like herb named
la-lay'-ya is pounded to a paste, and then bound on the wound.

Bums, ma-la-fiib-chong', are covered over with a piece of bark from
a tree called ta-kum'-fao.

Kay-yub', a vegetable root, is rubbed over the forehead in cases of
headache.

Boils, fu-yu-i', and swellings^ nay-am-an' or kin-may-yon', are treated
with a poultice of a pounded herb called ok-ok-ong'-an.

Digitized by

Google

74 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. subv.i

Millet burned to a charcoal, pulverized, and mixed with pig fat is
used as a salve for the itch.

An herb called a-klim' is pounded and used as a poultice on ulcers
and sores.

For toothache salt is mixed with a pounded herb named ot-o'-tSk and
the mass put in or around the aching tooth.

Leaves of the tree kay'-yam are steeped, and the decoction employed
as a bath for persons with smallpox.

DEATH AND BURIAL

It must be said that the Bontoc Igorot docs not take death very
sorrowfully, and he does not take it at all passionately. A mother
weeps a day for a dead child or her husband, but death is said not to
bring tears from any man. Death causes no long or loud lamentation,
no tearing of the hair or cutting the body; it effects no somber colors
to deaden the emotions ; no earth or ashes for the body— all widespread
mourning customs among primitive peoples. However, when a child
or mature man or woman dies the women assemble and sing and wail
a melancholy dirge, and they ask the departed why he went so early.
But for the aged there are neither tears nor wailings — there is only
grim philosophy. "You were old,^^ they say, "and old people die. You
are dead, and now we shall place you in the earth. We too are old,
and soon we shall follow you."

All people die at the instance of an anito. There have been, however,
three suicides in Bontoc. Many years ago an old man and woman
hung themselves in their dwellings because they were old and infirm,
and a man from Bitwagan hung himself in the Spanish jail at Bontoc
a few years ago.

The spirit of the person who dies a so-called natural death is called
away by an anito. The anito of those who die in battle receive
the special name "pin-teng'"; such spirits are not called away, but the
person's slayer is told by some pin-tSng', "You must take a head."
So it may be said that no death occurs among the Igorot (except the
rare death by suicide) which is not due directly to an anito.

Since they are warriors, the men who die in battle are the most
favored, but if not killed in battle all Igorot prefer to die in their
houses. Should they die elsewhere, they are at once taken home.

On March 19, 1903, wise, rich Som-kad', of ato Luwakan, and the
oldest man of Bontoc, heard an anito saying, "Come, Som-kad'; it is
much better in the mountains; come." The sick old man laboriously
walked from the pabafunan to the house of his oldest son, where he
had for nearly twenty years taken his food, and there among his
children and friends he died on the night of March 21. Just before
he died a chicken was killed, and the old people gathered at the house.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] DEATH AND BURIAL 75

cooked the chicken, and ate, inviting the ancestral anitos and the
departing spirit of Som-kad' to the feast Shortly after this the spirit
of the live man passed from the body searching the mountain spirit
land for kin and friend. They closed the old man's eyes, washed his
body and on it put the blue burial robe with the white "anito'' figures
woven in it as a stripe. They fashioned a rude, high-back chair with
a low seat, a simg-a'-chil (PI. XLI), and bound the dead man in it,
fastening him by bands about the waist, the arms, and head — ^the vegetal
band entirely covering the open mouth. His hands were laid in his
lap. The chair was set close up before the door of the house, with the
corpse facing out. Four nights and days it remained there in full
sight of those who passed.

One-half the front wall of the dwelling and the interior partitions
except the sleeping compartment were removed to make room for those
who sat in the dwelling. Most of these came and went without func-
tion, but day and night two young women sat or stood beside the
corpse always brushing away the flies which sought to gather at its
nostrils.

During the first two days few men were about the house, but they
gathered in small groups in the vicinity of the fawi and pabafiman,
which were only three or four rods distant. Much of the time a
blind son of the dead man, the owner of the house where the old man
died, sat on his haunches in the shade under the low roof, and at
frequent intervals sang to a melancholy tune that his father was dead,
that his father could no longer care for him, and that he would be
lonely without him. On succeeding days other of the dead man's
children, three sons and five daughters, all rich and with families of
their own, were beard to sing the same words. Small numbers of
women sat about the front of the house or close in the shade of its
roof and under its cover. Now and then some one or more of them
sang a low-voiced, wordless song — ^rather a soothing strain than a depress-
ing dirge. During the first days the old women, and again the old
men, sang at different times alone the following song, called "a-na'-ko"
when sung by the women, and "e-ya'-e" when by the men :

Now you are dead; we are all here to see you. We have given you all things
necessary, and have made good preparation for the burial. Do not come to call
away [to kill] any of your relatives or friends.

Nowhere was there visible any sign of fear or awe or wonder. The
women sitting about spun threads on their thighs for making skirts;
they talked and laughed and sang at will. Mothers nursed their babes
in the dwelling and under its projecting roof. Budding girls patted
and loved and dimpled the cheeks of the squirming babes of more
fortunate young women, and there was scarcely a child that passed in
or out of the house that did not have to steady itself by laying a hand

Digitized by

Google

70 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. surv. i

Oil the lap of the torpHe. All seemed to understand death. One, they
say, does not die until the anito calls — and then one always goes into a
goodly life which the old men often see and tell about.

In a well-organized and developed modern enterprise the death of
a principal man causes little or no break. This is equally true in
Igorot life. The former is so because of perfected organization — there
are new men trained for all machines; and the latter is true because
of absence of organization — there is almost no machinery to be left
unattended by the falling otond person.

On the third day the numbers increased. There were twenty-five
or thirty men in the vicinity of the house, on the south side of which
were half a dozen pots of basi,* from which men and boys drank at
pleasure, though not half a dozen became intoxicated. Late in the
afternoon a double row of men, the sons and sons-in-law of the deceased,
lined up on their haunches facing one another, and for half an hour
talked and laughed, counted on their fingers and gesticulated, diag-
rammed on tlieir palms, questioned, pointed with their lips and nodded,
as they divided the goodly property of the dead man. There was no
anger, no sharp word, or apparent dissent; all seemed to know exactly
what was each one's right. In about half an hour the property was
disposed of beyond probable future dispute.

There were more women present the third day than on the second,
and at all times about one-third more women than men; and there
were usually as many children about as there were grown persons. In
all the group of, say, 140 people, nowhere could one detect a sign of
the uncanny, or even the unusual. The apparent everydayness of it
all to them was what struck the observer most. The yoiiiig women
brushing away the flies touched and turned the fast-blackening hands
of the corpse to note the rapid changes. Almost always there were
small children standing in the doorway looking into that blackened,
swollen face, and they turned away only to play or to loll about their
mothers' necks. Always there were women bending over other women's
heads, carefully parting the hair and scanning it Women lay asleep
stretched in the shade ; they talked, and droned, and laughed, and spun.

During the second day men had succeeded in catching in the mountains
one of the half-wild carabaos — propert}* of the deceased — and this was
killed. Its head was placoil in the house tied up by the horns above
and facing Som-kad', so the faces of the dead seemed looking at each
other, while on the third day the flesh, bones, intestines, and hide were
cooked for the crowd. During the third and fourth days one carabao,
one dog, eight hogs, and twenty chickens were killed, cooked, and eaten.

On the fourth day the crowd increased. Custom lays idle all field
tools of an ato on the burial day of an adult of that ato; but the day
Som-kad' was buried the field work of the entire pueblo stood still

^A fermented drink.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] DEATH AND BUEIAL 77

because of common respect for this man, so old and wise, so rich and
influential, and probably 200 people were about the house all the day.
By noon two well-defined groups of chanting old women had formed —
one sitting in the house and the other in front of it. Wordless,
melancholy chants were sung in response between the groups. The
spaces surrounding the house became almost packed — so much so that
a dog succeeded in getting into the doorway, and the threatenings and
maledictions that drove it away were the loudest, most disturbed expres-
sions noted during the four days.

Before the house, which faced the west, lay the large pine coflSn lid,
while to the south of it, turned bottom up, was the coflBn with fresh
chips beside it hewn out that morning in further excavation. Children
played around the coflfin and people l<5unged on its upturned bottom.
Near the front of the house a pot of water was always hot over a smoul-
dering, smoking fire. Now and then a chicken was brought, light wood
was tossed under the pot, the chicken was beaten to death — first the
wings, then the neck, and then the head. The fowl was * quickly
sprawled over the blaze, its feathers burned to a crisp, and rubbed off
with sticks. Its legs were severed from the body with the battle-ax
and put in the pot. From its front it was then cut through its ribs
with one gash. The back and breast parts were torn apart, the gall
examined and nodded over; the intestines were placed beneath a large
rock, and the gizzard, breast of the chicken, and back with head attached
dropped in the pot. During the killing and dressing neither of the
two men who prepared the feast hurried, yet scarcely five minutes passed
from the time the first blow was struck on the wing of the squawking
fowl until the work was over and the meat in the boiling pot. The
cooking of a fowl always brought a crowd of boys who hung over the
fragrant vessel, and they usually got their share when, in about twenty
minutes, the meat came forth. Three times in the afternoon a fowl was
thus distributed. Cooked pork was passed among the people, and rice
was always being brought. Twice a man went through the crowd with
a large winnqwing tray of cooked carabao hide cut in little blocks. This
food was handed out on every side, people tending children receiving
double share. The people gathered and ate in the congested spaces
about the dwelling. The heat was intense — ^there was scarcely a breath
of air stirring. The odor from the body was heavy and most sickening
to an American, and yet there was no trace of the unusual on the various
faces.

New arrivals came to take their last look at Som-kad', now a black,
bloated, inhuman-looking thing, and they turned away apparently
unaffected by the sight.

The sun slid down behind the mountain ridge lying close to the
pueblo, and a dozen men armed with digging sticks and dirt baskets

Digitized by

Google

78 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.buev.i

filed along the trail some fifteen rods to the last fringe of houses.
There they dug a grave in a small, unused sementera plat where only
the old, rich men of the pueblo are buried. A group of twenty-five «
old women gathered standing at the front of the house swaying to
the right, to the left, as they slowly droned in melancholy cadence:

You were old, and old people die. You are dead, and now we shall place
you in the earth. We too are old, and soon we shall follow you.

Again and again they droned, and when they ceased others within
the house took up the strain. During the singing the carabao head
was brought from the house, and the horns, with small section of attached
skull, chopped out, and the head returned to the ceiling of the dwelling.

Presently a man came with a slender stick to measure the coflBn. He
drove a nursing mother, with a woman companion and small child,
from comfortable seats on the upturned wood. The people, including
the group of old women, were driven away from the front of the
house, the coflBn was laid down on the ground before the door, and an
unopened 8-gallon olla of ^^preserved" meat was set at its foot. An
old woman, in no way distinguishable from the others by paraphernalia
or other marks, muttering, squatted beside the olla. Two men untied
the bands from the corpse, and one lifted it free from the chair and
carried it in his arms to the coflBn. It was most unsightly, and streams
of rusty-brown liquid ran from it. It was placed face up, head
elevated even with the rim, and legs bent close at the knees but only
slightly at the hips. The old woman arose from beside the olla and
helped lay two new breechcloths and a blanket over the body. The face
was left uncovered, except that a small patch of white cloth ravelings,
called "fo-ot','' was laid over the eyes> and a smaU white cloth was laid
over the hair of the head. The burden was quickly caught up on
men's shoulders and hurried without halting to the grave. Willing
hands swarmed about the coflBn. At all times as many men helped
bear it as could well get hold, and when they mounted the face of a
7-foot sementera wall a dozen strong pairs of hands found service
drawing up and supporting the burden. Many men followed from the
house — one brought the coflBn cover and another the carabao horns —
but the women and children remained behind, as is their custom at
burials.

At the grave the coflBn rested on the earth a moment^ while a few
more basketfuls of dirt were thrown out, imtil the grave was about 5
feet deep. The coflBn was then placed in the grave, the cover laid on,
and with a joke and a laugh the pair of horns was placed facing it at the
head. Instantly thirty-two men sprang on the piles of fresh, loose dirt,
and witli their hands and the half dozen digging sticks filled and covered

1 The accompanying photo was an Instantaneous exposure, taken In the twilight. The
people could not be Induced to wait for a time exposure.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] DEATH AND BUBIAL 79

the grave in the shortest possible time, probably not over one minute and
a half. And away they hurried, most of them at a dogtrot, to wash them-
selves in the river.

From the instant the corpse was iu the coffin until the grave was filled
all things were done in the greatest haste, because cawing crows must not
fly over, dogs must not bark, snakes or rats must not cross the trail — if
they should, some dire evil would follow.

Shoriily after the burial a ceremony, called "kap-i-yan si na-tii','^ is
performed by the relatives in the dwelling wherein the corpse sat. It is
said to be the last ceremony given for the head. Food is eaten and
the one in charge addresses the anito of the dead man as follows :

We have fixed all things right and well for you. When there was no rice or
chicken for food, we got them for you — as was the custom of our fathers — so you
will not come to make us sick. If another anito seeks to harm us, you will
protect us. When we make a feast and ask you to come to it, we want you to
do so; but if another anito kills all your relatives, there will be no more houses
for you to enter for feasts.

This last argument is considered to be a very important one, as all\
Igorot are fond of feasting, and it is assumed that the anito has the same '
desire.

. The night following the burial all relatives stay at the house lately
occupied by the corpse.

On the day after the burial all the men relatives go to the river and
catch fish, the small kacho. The relatives have a fish feast, called
"ab-a-fon'," at the hour of the evening meal. To this feast all ancestral
anito are invited.

All relatives again spend the night at the house, from which they
return to their own dwelliugs after breakfast of the second day, and each
goes laden with a plate of cooked rice.

In this way from two to eight days are given to the funeral rite, the
duration being greater with the wealthier people.

Only heads of families are buried in the large pine coflBns, which are
kept ready stored beside the granaries everywhere about the pueblo. As
in the case of Som-kad', all old, rich men are buried in a plat of ground
close to the last fringe of dwellings on the west of the pueblo, but all
other persons except those who lose their heads are buried close to their
dwellings in the camote sementeras.

The burial clothes of a married man are the los-a'-dan, or blue anito-
figured burial robe, and a breechcloth of beaten bark, called "chi-
nang-ta'." In the coflBn are placed a fa'-a, or blue cotton breechcloth
made in Titipan, the f an-cha'-la, a striped blue-and- white cotton blanket,
and the to-chong', a foot-square piece of beaten bark or white cloth
which is laid on the head.

A married woman is buried in a kay-in', a particular skirt made for

Digitized by

Google

80 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.suev.i

burial in Titipan, and a white blue-bordered waist or la-ma. In the
coflBn are placed a burial girdle, wft'-kis, also made in Titipan, a blue-and-
white-striped blanket called bay-a-ong', and the to-chong', the small
cloth or bark over the hair.

The unmarried are buried in graves near the dwelling, and these are
walled up the sides and covered with rocks and lastly with earth; it is the
old rock cairn instead of the wooden coflBn. The bodies are placed flat on
their backs with knees bent and heels drawn up to the buttocks. With
the men are buried, besides the things interred with the married men,-
the basket-work hat, the basket-work sleeping hat, the spear, the battle-ax,
and the earrings if any are possessed. These additional things are
buried, they say, because there is no family with which to leave them,
though all things interred are for the use of the anito of the dead.

In addition to the various things buried with the married woman, the
unmarried has a sleeping hat.

Babes and children up to 6 or 7 years of age are buried in the semen-
tera wrapped in a crude beaten-bark mantle. This garment is folded and
wrapped about the body, and for babes, iat least, is bound and tied close
about them.

Babies are buried close to the dwelling where the sun and storm do not
beat, because, as they say, babes are too tender to receive harsh treatment.

For those beheaded in battle there is another burial, which is described
in a later chapter.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
I-

-I
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
z

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Worcester.

Plate Lit. BANAWI RICE SEMENTERAS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

PiATK Llll. A TERRACE WALL.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
z

z
5

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

III

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-

o
o

_^-l

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

H
z
<

D
I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Chapter IV

ECONOMIC LIFE

PRODUCTION

Under the title "Economic life" are considered the various activities
which a political economist would consider if he studied a modem com-
munity— in so far as they occur in Bontoc. This method was chosen not
to make the Bontoc Igorot appear a modem man but that the student
may see as plainly as method will allow on what economic plane the
Bontoc man lives. The desire for this clear view is prompted by the
belief that grades of culture of primitive peoples may be determined by
the economic standard better than by any other single standard.

NATURAL PRODUCTION

It would be impossible for the Bontoc Igorot at present to subsist
themselves two weeks by natural production. It is doubtful whether at
any time they could have depended for even as much as a day in a week
on the natural foods of the Bontoc culture area. The country has wild
carabaos, deer, hogs, chickens, and three animals which the Igorot calls
" cats," but all of these, when considered as a food supply for the people,
are relatively scarce, and it is thought they were never much more abun-
dant than now. Fish are not plentiful, and judging from the available
waters there are probably as many now as formerly. It is believed that
no nut foods are eaten in Bontoc, although an acorn is found in the
mountains to the south of Bontoc pueblo. The banana and pineapple
now grow wild within the area, but they are not abundant. Of small
berries, such as are so abundant in the wild lands of the United States,
there are almost none in the area. On the outside, near Suyak of
Lepanto, there is a huckleberry found so plentifully that they claim
it is gathered for food in its season.

UUMTINQ

A large pile of rocks stands like a compact fortress on the mountain
horizon to the north of Bontoc pueblo. Here a ceremony is observed
twice annually by rich men for the increase of ay-ya-wan', the wild
15223 6 81

Digitized by

Google

82 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.subv.i

carabao. It is claimed that there are now seventeen wild carabaos in
Ma-ka^'-lan Mountain near the pueblo. There are others in the moun-
tains farther to the north and east, and the ceremony has among its
objects that of inducing these more distant herds to migrate to the
public lands surrounding the pueblo.

The men go to the great rock, which is said to be a transformed anito,
and there they build a fire, eat a meal, and have the ceremony called
^^mang-a-pu^-i si ay-ya-wan','^ freely, ^^fire-feast for wild carabaos.'^ The
ceremony is as follows:

Ay-ya-wftn ad Sa-ka'-pa a-li-kA is-nfi ma-am'-mung is-nfl.
Ay-ya-wfln ad O-ki-kl a-li-kfi is-nfi ma-am'-mimg is-nfi.
Fay-cha'-mi ya'-i nan a-pu'-i ya pa'-tay.

This is an invitation addressed to the wild carabaos of the Sakapa and
Okiki" Mountains to come in closer to Bontoc. They are also asked to
note that a fire-feast is made in their honor.

The old men say that probably 500 wild carabaos have been killed by
the men of the pueblo. There is a tradition that Lumawig instructed
the people to kill wild carabaos for marriage feasts, and all of those
killed — of ;vhich there is memory or tradition — ^have been used in the
marriage feasts of the rich. The wild carabao is extremely vicious, and
is killed only when forty or fifty men combine and hunt it with spears.
When wounded it charges any man in sight, and the hunter^s only
safety is in a tree.

The method of hunting is simple. The herd is located, and as
cautiously as possible the hunters conceal themselves behind the trees
near the runway and throw their spears as the desired animal passes.
No wild carabaos have been killed during the past two years, but I am
told that the numbers killed three, four, six, seven, and eight years
ago were, respectively, 5, 8, 7, 10, and 8.

Seven men in Bontoc have dogs trained to run deer and wild boar.
One of the men, Aliwang, has a pack of five dogs; the others have one
or two each. The hunting dogs are small and only moderately fleet,
but they are said to have great courage and endurance. They hunt
out of leash, and still-hunt until they start their prey, when they cry
continually, thus directing the hunter to the runway or the place where
the victim is at bay.

Not more than one deer, og'-sa, is killed annually, and they claim
that deer were always very scarce in the area. A large net some 3^
feet high and often 50 feet long is commonly employed in northern
Luzon and through the Archipelago for netting deer and hogs, but no
such net is used in Bontoc. The dogs follow the deer, and the hunter
spears it in the runway as it passes him or while held at bay.

The wild hog, la'-man or fang'-o, when hunted with dogs is a
surly fighter and prefers to take its chances at bay; consequently

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] HUNTING PRACTICES 83

it is more often killed then by the spearman than in the runway. The
wild hog is also often caught in pitfalls dug in the runways or in
its feeding grounds. The pitfall, fi'-to, is from 3 to 4 feet across,
about 4 feet deep, and is covered over with dry grass.

In the forest feeding grounds of Polus Mountains, between the Bontoc
culture area and the Banawi area to the south, these pitfalls are very
abundant, there frequently being two or three within a space one
rod square.

A deadfall, called ^^!l-tibV^ is built for hogs near the sementeras in
the moimtains. These deadfalls are quite common throughout the
Bontoc area, and probably capture more hogs than the pitfall and the
hunter combined. The hogs are partial to growing palay and camotes,
and at night circle about a protecting fence anxious to take advantage of
any chance opening. The Igorot leaves an opening in a low fence built
especially for that purpose, as he does not commonly fence in the
sementeras. The fl-ttb' is built of two sections of heavy tree trunks,
one imbedded in the earth, level with the ground, and the other the
falling timber. As the hog enters the sementera, the weight of his
body springs the trigger which is covered in the loose dirt before the
opening, and the falling timber pins him fast against the lower timber
firmly buried in the earth. From half a dozen to twenty wild hogs
are annually killed by the people of the pueblo. They are said to
be as plentiful as formerly.

Bontoc pueblo does not catch many wild fowls. Fowl catching is an
art she never learned to follow, although two or three of her boys
annually catch half a dozen chickens each. The surrounding pueblos,
as Tukukan, Sakasakan, Mayinit, and Maligkong, secure every year
in the neighborhood ef fifty to one hundred fowl each. The sa'-fiig,
or wild <5ock, is most commonly caught in a snare, called " shi'-ay,'^ to
which it is lured by another cock, a domestic one, or often a half-breed
or a wild cock partially domesticated, which is secured inside the snare
set up in the mountains near the feeding grounds of the wild fowls.

The shi'-ay when set consists of twenty-four si'-lu, or nmning loops,
attached to a cord forming three sides of an open square space. As
the snare is set the open side is placed against a rock or steep base
of a rise. The shi^-ay is made of braided bejuco, and when not
in use is complustly packed away in a basket for the purpose (see
PL XLIV) . There are also five pegs fitted into loops in the basket, four
of which are employed in pegging out the three sides of the snare,
and the other for securing the lure cock within the square. Only cocks
are caught with the shi^-ay, and they come to fight the intruder who
guides them to the snare by crowing his challenge. As the wild cock
rushes at the other he is caught by one of the loops closing about him.
The hunter, always hiding within a few feet of the snare, rushes upon
the captive, and at once resets his snare for another possible victimi

Digitized by

Google

THE BONTOC IGOEOT

[BTH. sxniv. 1

A spring snare, called kok-o'-l^g, is employed by the Igorot in
catching both wild cocks and hens. It is set in their narrow runways
in the heavy undergrowth. It consists of two short uprights driven
into the ground one on either side of the path. These are bound
together at the tops with two crosspieces. Near the lower ends of
these uprights is a loose crosspiece, the trigger, which the fowl in
passing knocks down, thus freeing the short upright, marked c, in
fig. 1. When this is freed the loop, e, at once tightens around the victim,
as the cord is drawn taut by the releasing of the spring — ^a shrub
bent over and secured by the upper end of the cord. This spring is
not shown in the drawing.

^^^K/^^ r^^

Fio. 1. — Spring snare, Kok-o'-lftng. (a, Kok-o'-lftng; h, I-pU' ;
c, TIng'-a; d, ChQg-shi' ; e, Lo-fid'.)

Bontoc has two or three quadrupeds which it names "cats." One
of these is a true cat, called in'-yao. It is domesticated by the Ilokano
in Bontoc and becomes a good mouser.^ The kok-o'-lang is used to
catch this cat. PL XLVI shows with what success this spring snare
may be employed. The cat shown was caught in the night while trying
to enter a chicken coop. He was a wild in'-yao, was beautifully striped
like the American "tiger cat," and measured 35 inches from tip to tip.
The in'-yao is plentiful in the mountains, and is greatly relished by
the Igorot, though Bontoc has no professional cat hunters and probably
not a dozen of the animals are captured annually.

The Igorot claim to have two other "cats," one called "co'-lang," as
large as in^-yao, with large legs and very large feet. A Spaniard
living near Sagada says this animal eats his coffee berries. The other
so-called "cat" is named "si'-le" by the Igorot. It is said to be a
long-tailed, dark-colored animal, smaller than the in'-yao. It is claimed

^No true cats are known to be indigenous to the Pbllippines, but the one shown In the
plate was a wild mountain animal and was a true cat, not a civet Its ancestors may have
been domestic.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKfl] FISHING 85

that this si'-le is both carnivorous and f rugivorous. These two animals
are trapped at times, and when caught are eaten.

During the year the boys catch numbers of small birds, all of which
are eaten. Probably not over 200 are captured, however, during a year.

The ling-an', a spring snare, is the most used for catching birds.
I saw one of them catch four shrikes, called ta'-la, in a single afternoon,
and a fifth one was caught early the next morning. PI. XLVll shows
the ling-an' as it is set, and also shows ta'-la as he is caught.

The kok-o'-l&ng is also employed successfully for such birds as run
on the ground, especially those which run in paths. The si-sIm' is
another spring snare set on the open ground. Food is scattered about
leading to it, and is placed abundantly in an inclosure, the entrance
to which is through the fatal noose which tightens when the bird
perches on the trigger at the opening to the inclosure.

When the palay is in the milk a great many birds which feed
upon it are captured by means of a broom-like bundle of runo. As the
birds fly over the sementeras a boy sweeps his broom, the ka-lib', through
the flock, and rarely fails to knock down a bird. The ka-lib' is about
7 feet long, 2^ inches in diameter at the base, and flattened and broad-
ened to 14 or 15 inches in width at the outer end. What the ka-lib'
really does for the boy is to give him an arm about 9 feet long and a
long open hand a foot and a quarter wide.

FISHING '

The only water available to Bontoc pueblo for fishing purposes is the
river passing between it and her sister pueblo, Samoki. In the dry
season, where it is not dammed, the river is not over six and eight
rods across in its widest places, and is from a few inches to 3 feet deep.
All the water would readily pass, a:t the ordinary velocity of the stream,
in a channel 20 feet wide and 6 feet deep.

Three methods are employed in fishing in this river — the first, catch-
ing each fish in the hand; the second, driving the fish upstream by
fright into a receptacle ; a third, a combined process of driving the fish
downstream by fright and by water pressure into a receptacle.

The Igorot seems not to have a general word for fish, but he has
names for the three varieties found in the river. One, ka-cho', a very
small, sluggish fish, is captured during the entire year. In February
these fish were seldom more than 2 inches in length, and yet they were
heavy with spawn. The ka-cho' is the fish most commonly captured
with the hands. It is a sluggish swimmer and is provided with an
exterior suction valve on its ventral surface immediately back of the
gill opening. This valve seems to enable the fish to withstand the
ordinary current of the river which, in the rainy season, becomes a
torrent. This valve is also one of the causes of the Igorot's success

Digitized by

Google

86 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. subv. i

in capturing the fish^ which is not readily frightened^ but clings
to the bed of the stream until almost brushed away^ and then ordinarily
swims only a few inches or feet Small boys from 6 to 10 years old
capture by hand a hundred or more ka-cho' during half a day, simply
by following them in the shallow water.

The ka-cho^ is also caught in great numbers by the second or driving
method. Twenty to forty or more men fish together with a large,
closely woven, shovel-like trap called ko-ydg', and the operation is
most interesting to witness. At the river beach the fishermen remove
all clothing, and stretch out on their faces in the warm, sun-heated sand.
Three men carry the trap to the middle of the swift stream, and one
holds it from fioating away below him by grasping the side poles which
project at the upper end for that purpose. The two other men, below
the trap at its mouth, put large stones on their backs between the
shoulder blades, so they will not float downstream, and disappear beneath
the water. As quickly as possible, coming up a dozen times to breathe
during the process, they clear away the rocks below the trap, piling
them in it over its floor, until it finally sinks and remains stationary
on the cleared spot of sandy bed. Their task being ended, the three
trap setters come to shore, and sprawl on the hot sands to warm their
dripping skins, while the sim dries and toasts their backs.

Then the drivers or beaters enter the river and stretch in a line from
shore to shore about 75 feet below the trap. Each fellow squats in the
water and places a heavy stone on his back. One of the men calls, and the
row of strange, hump-backed creatures disappears beneath the water.
There the men work swiftly, and, as later appears, successfully. Each
turns over all the bowlders within his reach as large or larger than
his two fists, and he works upstream 4 to 6 feet. They come up
blowing, at first a head here and there, but soon all are up with renewed
breath, waiting the next call to beat up the prey. This process is
repeated again and again, and each time the outer ends of the line
bend upstream, gradually looping in toward the trap. When the line
of men has become quite circular and is contracting rapidly, a dozen
other men enter the river from the shore and line up on each side
of the mouth of the trap, a flank movement to prevent the flsh rurming
upstream outside the snare. From the circle of beaters a few now drop
out; the others are in a bunch, the last stone is turned, and the prey
seeks covert under the rocks in the trap, which the flankers at once lift
above the water. The rocks are thrown out and the trap and fish
carried to the shore.

In each drive they catch about three quarts of fish. These are
dumped into baskets, usually the carrying basket of the man, and when
the da/s catch is made and divided each man receives an equal share,
usually about 1 pound per household. A procession of men and boys
coming in from the river, each carrying his share of fish in his basket

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] VEGETAL PRODUCTION 87

hat in his hard and the last man carrying the fish trap, is a sight very
frequently seen in the pueblo.

The ka-cho' is also caught in a small trap, called cfb-o'-fli, by the third
method mentioned above. A small strip of shallow water along the
shore is quite effectually cut oflf from the remainder of the stream by
a row of rocks. The lower end of this strip is brought to a point
where the water pours out and into the upturned ob-o'-fii, carrying with
it the ka-cho' which happen to be in the swift current, the fish having
been startled from their secure resting places by the fishermen who have
gradually proceeded downstream overturning the stones.

A fish called *^'-ling/' which attains a length of about 6 inches, is
also caught by the last-described method. It is not nearly so plentiful
as the ka-cho'.

One man living in Bontoc may be called a fisherman. He spends most
of his time with his traps in the river, and sells his fish to the llokano and
Igorot residents of the pueblo. He places large traps in the deep parts of
the stream, adjusts them, and revisits them by swimming under the
water, and altogether is considered by the Igorot boys as quite a "water
man.^* He catches each year many ka-cho' and li'-ling, and one or more
large fish, called "cha-lif The cha-lit is said to acquire a length of 3,
4, or 5 feet.

Women and small children wade about the river and pick up quantities
of small crabs, called "ag-ka'-ma,^^ and also a small bpiral shell, called
"ko'-ti.^' It is safe to say that every hour of a rainless day one or more
persons of Bontoc is gathering such food in the river. Immediately after
the first rain of the season of 1903, coming April 5, there were twenigr-
f our persons, women and small children, within ten rods of one another,
searching the river for ag-ka'-ma and ko'-ti.

The women wear a small rump basket tied around the waist in which
they carry their lunch to the rice sementeras, and once or twice each week
they bring home from a few ounces to a pound of small crustaceans.
One variety is named song'-an, another is kit-an', a third is fing'-a, and a
fourth is lis'-chiig. They are all collected in the mud of the sementeras.

VBGBTAL PRODUCTION

All materials for timbers and boards for the dwellings, granaries, and
public buildings, all wood for fires, all wood for shields, for ax and spear
handles, for agricultural implements, and for household utensils, and all
material for splints employed in various kinds of basket work, and for
strings (warp and woof) employed in the weaving of Bontoc girdles
and skirts, are gathered wild with no effort at cultural production. There
are three exceptions to this statement, however. One small shrub, called
"pii-iigV' is planted near the house as a fiber plant, and is no longer
known to the Igorot in the wild state. Much of the bamboo from which
the basket-work splints are made is purchased from people west of Bontoc.

Digitized by

Google

88 THE BONTOC IGOROT [hth. subv. i

And, lastly, there is no doubt that a certain care is taken in preserving
pine trees for large boards and timbers and for coffins ; there is a cutting
away of dead and small branches from these trees. Moreover, the cutting
of other trees and shrubs for firewood certainly has a beneficial effect
upon the forest trees left standing. In fact, all persons preserve the
small pitch-pine trees on private lands, and it is a crime to cut them on
another's land, although a poor man may cut other varieties on private
lands when needed.

CULTURAL PRODUCTION
AGBICULTUBB

In all of Igorot culture the most apparent and strikingly noteworthy
fact is its agriculture. In agriculture the Igorot has reached his highest
development. On agriculture hangs his claim to the rank of barbarian —
without it he would be a savage.

Igorot agriculture is unique in Luzon, and, so far as known, through-
out the Archipelago, in its mountain terraces and irrigation.

There are three possible explanations of the origin of Philippine rice
terraces. First, that they (and those of other islands peopled by primi-
tive and modem Malayans, and those of Japan and China) are indige-
nous— ^the product of the mountain lands of each isolated area ; second,
that most of them are due to cultural influences from one center, or pos-
sibly more than one center, to the north of Luzon — ^as influences from
China or Japan spreading southward from island to island; third, that
they, especially all those of the Islands — excluding only China — are due
to influences originating south of the Philippines, spreading northward
from island to island.

Terracing jnay be indigenous to many isolated areas where it is found,
and doubtless is to some ; it is found more or less marked wherever irriga-
tion is or was practiced in ancient or modem agriculture. However, it
is believed not to be an original production of the Philippines. Certain
it is that it is not a Negrito art, nor does it belong to the Moro or to
the so-called Christian people.

Different sections of China have rice terraces, and as early as the thir-
teenth century Chinese merchants traded with the Philippines, yet there
is no record that they traded north of Manila — where terracing is alone
found. Besides, the Chinese record of the early commerce with the
Islands — written by Chao Jukua about 1250 it is claimed — specifically
states that the natives of the Islands were the merchants, taking the
goods from the shore and trading them even to other islands ; the Chinese
did not pass inland. Even though the Chinaman brought phases of his
culture to the Islands, it would not have been agriculture, since he did
not practice it here. Moreover, whatever culture he did leave would
not be found in the moimtains three or four days inland, while the
people with whom he traded were without the art. The same arguments

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] PREPARING AGRICULTURAL LANDS 89

hold against the Japanese as the inspirers of Igorot terraces. There is
no record that they traded in the Islands as early as did the Chinese,
and it is safe to say, no matter when they were along the coasts of
Luzon, that they never penetrated several days into the mountains,
among a wild, head-himting people, for what the agricultural Igorot
had to sell.

The historic cultural movements in Malaysia have been not from
the north southward but from Sumatra and Java to the north and east;
they have followed the migrations of the people. It is believed that
the terrace-building culture of the Asiatic islands for the production
of mountain rice by irrigation during the dry season has drawn its
inspiration from one source, and that such terraces where found to-day
in Java, Lombok, Luzon, Formosa, and Japan are a survival of very early
culture which spread from the nest of the primitive Malayan stock
and left its marks along the way — doubtless in other islands besides
these cited. If Japan, as has Formosa, had an early Malayan culture,
as will probably be proved in due time, one should not be surprised to
find old rice terraces in the mountains of Batanes Islands and the Jjoo
Choo Islands which lie between Luzon and Japan.

BUILDING THE 8EMENTERA

It must be noted here that all Bontoc agricultural labors, from the
building of the sementera to the storing of the gathered harvest, are
accompanied by religious ceremonials. They are often elaborate, and
some occupy a week^s time. These ceremonials are left out of this
chapter to avoid detail; they appear in the later chapter on religion.

There are two varieties of sementeras — ^garden patches, called "pay-
yo'^^ — in the Bontoc area, the irrigated and the unirrigated. The
irrigated sementeras grow two crops annually, one of rice by irrigation
during the dry season and the other of camotes, "sweet potatoes,^' grown
in the rainy season without irrigation. The unirrigated sementera is
of two kinds. One is the mountain or side-hill plat of earth, in which
camotes, millet, beans, maize, etc., are planted, and the other is the
horizontal plat (probably once an irrigated sementera), usually built
with low terraces, sometimes lying in the pueblo among the houses, from
which shoots are taken for transplanting in the distant sementeras and
where camotes are grown for the pigs. Sometimes they are along old
water courses which no longer flow during the dry season ; such are often
employed for rice during the rainy season.

The unirrigated mountain-side sementera, called "fo-ag',^' is built by
simply clearing the trees and brush from a mountain plat. No effort
is made to level it and no dike walls are built. Now and then one is
hemmed in by a low boundary wall.

The irrigated sementeras are built with much care and labor. The
earth is first cleared; the soil is carefully removed and placed in a

Digitized by

Google

90 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. bubv. i

pile; the rocks are dug out; the ground shaped, being excavated and
filled until a level results. This task for a man whose only tools are
sticks is no slight one. A huge bowlder in the ground means hours —
often days — of patient, animal-like digging and prying with hands and
sticks before it is finally dislodged. When the ground is leveled the
soil is put back over the plat, and very often is supplemented with other
rich soil. These irrigated sementeras are built along water courses or
in such places as can be reached by turning running water to them. Inas-
much as the water must flow from one to another, there are practically
no two sementeras on the same level which are irrigated from the same
water course. The result is that every plat is upheld on its lower side,
and usually on one or both ends, by a terrace wall. Much of the
mountain land is well supplied with bowlders and there is an endless
water-worn supply in the beds of all streams. All terrace walls are
built of these imdressed stones piled together without cement or earth.
These walls are called "fa-ning'.^' They are from 1 to 20 and 30 feet
high and from a foot to 18 inches wide at the top. The upper surface
of the top layer of stones is quite flat and becomes the path among the
sementeras. The toiler ascends and descends among the terraces on
stone steps made by single rocks projecting from the outside of the
wall at regular intervals and at an angle easy of ascent and descent
(see PI. LIII).

These stone walls are usually weeded perfectly clean at least once
each year, generally at the time the sementera is prepared for transplant-
ing. This work falls to the women, who commonly perform it entirely
nude. At times a scanty f ront-and-back apron of leaves is worn tucked
under the girdle.

In the Banawi district, south of the Bontoc area, there are terrace
walls certainly 75 feet in height, though many of these are not stoned,
since the earth is of such a nature that it does not readily crumble.

It is safe to say that nine-tenths of the available water supply of the
dry season in the Bontoc area is utilized for irrigation. In some areas,
as about Bontoc pueblo, there is practically not a gallon of unused
water where there is space for a sementera.

A single area consisting of several thousand acres of mountain side
is frequently devoted to sementeras, and I have yet to behold a more
beautiful view of cultivated land than such an area of Igorot rice
terraces. Winding in and out, following every projection, dipping into
every pocket of the mountain, the walls ramble along like running things
alive. Like giant stairways the terraces lead up and down the mountain
side, and, whether the levels are empty, dirt-colored areas, fresh, green-
carpeted stairs, or patches of ripening, yellow grain, the beholder is
struck with the beauty of the artificial landscape and marvels at the
industry of an otherwise savage people.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] METHODS OF IRRIGATION 91

IRRIOATINO

By irrigation is meant the purposeful distribution of water over soil
by man by means of diverting streams or by the use of canals in the
shape of ditches or troughs for conveying and directing part of a
water supply, or by means of some other man-directed power to raise
water to the required level.

The Igorot employ three methods of irrigation : One, the simplest and
most natural, is to build sementeras along a small stream which is
turned into the upper sementera and passes from one to another, falling
from terrace to terrace until all water is absorbed, evaporated, or all
available or desired land is irrigated. Usually such streams are diverted
from their courses, and they are often carried long distances out of their
natural way. The second method is to divert a part of a river by means
of a stone dam. The third method is still more artificial than the
preceding — ^the water is lifted by direct human power from below the
sementera and poured to run over the surface.

The first method is the most common, since the mountains in Igorot
land are full of small, usually perpetual, streams. There are practically
no streams within reach of suitable pueblo sites which are not exhausted
by the Igorot agriculturist. Everywhere small streams are carefully
guarded and turned wherever there is a square yard of earth that may
be made into a rice sementera. Small streams in some cases have
been woimd for miles around the sides of a mountain, passing deep
gullies and rivers in wooden troughs or tubes.

Much land along the river valleys is irrigated by means of dams,
called by the Igorot "l\mg-ud'.^* During the season of 1903 there was
one dam (designated the main dam in PL LVII — see also Pis. LV and
LVI) across the entire river at Bontoc, throwing all the water which
did not leak through the stones into a large canal on the Bontoc side
of the valley. Half a mile above this was another dam (called the upper
dam in PI. LVII) diverting one-half the stream to the same valley,
only onto higher groimd. Immediately below the main dam were two
low piles of stones (designated weirs) jutting into the shallow stream
from the Bontoc side, and each gathering suflBcient water for a few
sementeras. Within a quarter of a mile below the main dam were three
other loose, open weirs of rocks, two of which began on a shallow
island, throwing water to the Samoki side of the river. In the stream
a short distance farther down a shallow row of rocks and gravel turned
water into three new sementeras constructed early in the year on a gravel
island in the river.

The main dam is about 12 feet high, 2 feet broad at the top, 8 or 10
at the bottom, and is about 300 feet long. It is built each year during
November and December, and requires the labor of fifteen or twenty
men about six weeks. It is constructed of river-worn bowlders piled

Digitized by

Google

92 THE BONTOC IGOBOT [eth. surv. i

together without adhesive. The top stones are flat on the upper sur-
face, and the dam is a pathway across the river for the people from
the time of its completion until its destruction by the freshets of
June or July.

The upper dam is a new piece of primitive engineering. It, with
its canal, has been in mind for at least two years ; but it was completed
only in 1903. The dam is small, extending only half way across the river,
and beginning on an island. This dam turns water into a canal averag-
ing 3 feet wide and carrying about 5 inches of water. The canal, called
'V-lak,'' is about 3,000 feet long from the dam at a in PI. LVII to
the place of discharge into the level area at 6. For about 530 feet
of this distance it was impossible for the primitive engineer to con-
struct a canal in the earth, as the solid rock of the mountain dips
vertically into the river. About fifty sections of large pine trees were
brought and hollowed into troughs, called "ta-la'-kan," which have
been secured above the water by means of buttresses, by wooden scaffold-
ing, called "to-kod'," and by attachment to the overhanging rocks, imtil
there is now a continuous artificial waterway from the dam to the tract
of irrigated land.

Considerable engineering sense has been shown and no small amount
of labor expended in the construction of this last irrigating scheme.
The pine logs are a foot or more in diameter, and have a waterway dug
in them about 10 or 12 inches deep and wide. These trees were felled
and the troughs dug with the wasay, a short-handled tool with an iron
blade only an inch or an inch and a half wide, and convertible alike into
ax and adz.

There seems to be a fall of about 22 feet between a at the upper
dam and 6 at the discharge from the troughs.^ This fall in a
distance of about 3,000 feet seems needlessly great; however, the
primitive engineer has shown excellent judgment in the matter.
First, by putting the dam (upper dam) where it is, only half the
stream had to be built across. Second, there is a rapids immediately
below the dam, and, had the Igorot built his dam below the rapids, a dam
of the same height would have raised the water to a much lower level ;
this would have necessitated a canal probably 10 or 12 feet deep instead

1 This estimate was obtained by a primitive surveying outfit as foUows :

A rifle, with a bottle attached used for a liquid level, was sighted from a camera tripod.
A measuring tape attached to the tripod showed the distance of the rifle above the sur-
face of the water. A surveyor's tape measured the distance between the tripod and the
leveling rod, which also had an attached tape to show the distance of the point sighted
above the surface of the water.

I am Indebted to Mr. W. F. Smith, American teacher in Bontoc, for assisting me in
obtaining these measurements.

The strength of the scaffolding supporting the troughs is suggested by the statement
that the troughs were brimming full of swift-running water, while our "surveying"
party of four adults, accompanied by half a dozen Juvenile Igorot sightseers, weighed
about 900 pounds, and was often distributed along In the troughs, which we waded,
within a space of 30 feet.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] TURNING THE SOIL 93

of three. Third, the height of the water at the upper dam has enabled
him to lay the log section of the waterway above the high-water mark
of the river, thus, probably, insuring more or less permanence. Had
the dam been built much lower down the stream the troughs would
have been near the surface of the river and been torn away annually by
the freshets, or the people would be obliged each year to tear down and
reconstruct that part of the canal. As it now is it is probable that
only the short dam will need to be rebuilt each year.

All dams and irrigating canals are built directly by or at the expense
of the persons benefited by the water. Water is never rented to persons
with sementeras along an artificial waterway. If a person refuses to
bear his share of the labor of construction and maintenance his semen-
teras must lie idle for lack of water.

All sementera owners along a waterway, whether it is natural or
artificial, meet and agree in regard to the division of the water. If
there is an abundance, all open and close their sluice gates when they
please. When there is not suflScient water for this, a division is made —
usually each person takes all the water during a certain period of time.
This scheme is supposed to be the best, since the flow should be sufficient
fully to flood the entire plat — a 100-gallon flow in two hours is con-
sidered much better than an equal flow in two days.

During the irrigating season, if there is lack of water, it becomes
necessary for each sementera owner to guard his water rights against
other persons on the same creek or canal. If a man sleeps in his house
during the period in which his sementeras are supposed to receive
wafer, it is pretty certain that his supply will be stolen, and, since he was
not on guard, he has no redress. But should sleep chance to overtake
him in his tiresome watch at the sementeras, and should some one turn
off and steal his water, the thief will get clubbed if caught, and will
forfeit his own share of water when his next period arrives.

The third method of irrigation — ^lifting the water by direct human
power — is not much employed by the Igorot. In the vicinity of Bontoc
pueblo there are a few sementeras which were never in a position to be
irrigated by running water. They are called "pay-yo' a kao-u'-chan,^^
and, when planted with rice in the^ dry season, need to be constantly
tended by toilers who bring water to them in pots from the river,
creeks, or canals. On the Samoki side of the valley during a week or
so of the driest weather in May, 1903, there were four "well sweeps,'*
each with a 5-gallon kerosene-oil can attached, operating nearly all day,
pouring water from a canal into sementeras through 60 or 80 feet of
small, wooden troughs.

TURNING THE SOIL

Since rice, called "pa-kii'," is the chief agricultural product of the
Igorot it will be considered in the following sections first, after which
data of other vegetable products will be given.

Digitized by

Google

94 THE BONTOC I60R0T [bth-subv.!

Turning the soil for the annual crop of irrigated rice begins in the
middle of December and continues nearly two months. The labor of
turning and fertilizing the soil and transplanting the yoimg rice is
all in progress at the same time — ^generally, too, in the same sementera.
Since each is a distinct process, however, I shall consider each separately.
Before the soil is turned in a sementera it has given up its annual crop
of camotes, and the water has been turned on to soften the earth. From
two to twenty adults gather in a sementera, depending on the size of
the plat, of which there are relatively few containing more than 10,000
square feet. They commonly range from 30 square feet to 1,500 or
2,000. The following description is one of several made in detail while
watching the rice industry of the Bontoc Igorot

The sementera is about 20 by 50 feet, or about 1,000 square feet,
and lies in the midst of the large valley area between Bontoc and
Samoki. It is on the Samoki side of the river, but is the property of
a Bontoc family. There are two groups of soil turners in the semen-
tera— three men in one, and two unmarried women, an older married
woman, and a youth in the other. At one end of the plat two, and part
of the time three, women are transplanting rice. Four men are bring-
ing fertilizer for the soil. Strange to say, each of the men in the
group of three is "clothed"— one wears his breechcloth as a breechcloth,
and the other two wear theirs simply as aprons, hanging loose in front.
Three of the men bringing fertilizer are entirely nude except for their
girdles, since they ford the river with their loads between the sementera
and Bontoc and do not care to wet their breechcloths ; the other man
wears a bladder bag hanging from his girdle as an apron. One of the
young women turning the soil wears a skirt; the other one and the old
woman wear f ront-and-back aprons of camote vines ; the youth with them
is nude. The three transplanters wear skirts, and one of them wears
an open jacket. Besides these there are three children in and about
the sementera; one is a pretty, laughing girl of about 9 years; one is
a shy, faded-haired little girl of 3 or 4 years; and the other is a fat
chunk of a boy about 5 years. All three are perfectly naked. It is
impossible to say what clothing these toilers wore before I went among
them to watch their work, but it is certain they were not more clothed.

Let us watch the typical group of the three women and the youth:
Each has a sharpened wooden turning stick, the kay-kay, a pole about
6 feet long and 2 inches in diameter. The four stand side by side with
their kay-kay stuck in the earth, and, in unison, they take one step
forward and push their tools from them, the earth under which the
tools are thrust falling away and crumbling in the water before them.
While it is falling away the toilers begin to sing, led by the elder
woman. The purport of the most common soil-turning song is this:
^T^t is hard work to turn the soil, but eating the rice is good." The song

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] TURNING THE SOIL 95

continues while the implements are withdrawn from the earth and jabbed
in again in a new place, while the syllable pronounced at that instant
is also noticeably jabbed into the air. Again they withdraw their imple-
ments and, singing and working in rhythmic unison, again jab kay-kay
and syllable. The implements are now thrust about 8 inches below the
surface; the song ceases; each toiler pries her section of the soil loose
and, in a moment, together they push their tools from them, the mass
of soil — some 2 feet long, 1 foot wide, and 8 inches deep — falls away
in the water, and the song begins again. As the earth is turned a
camote, passed by in the camote harvest, is discovered; the old woman
picks it up and lays it on the dry ground beside her. The little girl
shyly comes for it and stores it in a basket on the terrace wall with a
few doz^n others found during the morning.

After a section of earth 10 or 15 feet square has been turned the
rhythmic labor and song ceases. Each person now grasps her kay-kay
with one hand at the middle and the other near the sharpened end and
with it rapidly crumbles and spreads about the new-turned soil. Now
they trample the bed thoroughly, throwing out any stones or pebbles
discovered by their feet, and frequently using the kay-kay further to
break up some small clod of earth. Finally a large section of the
sementera is prepared, and the toilers form in line abreast and slowly
tread back and forth over the plat, making the bed soft and smooth
beneath the water for the transplanting.

It is a delightful picture in the soil-turning season to see the acres of
terraces covered by groups of toilers, relieving their labors with almost
constant song.

I saw only one variation from the above methods in the Bontoc area.
In some of the large sementeras in the flat river bottom near Bontoc
pueblo a herd of seventeen carabaos was skillfully milled round and
round in the water, after the soil was turned, stirring and mixing the
bed into a uniform ooze. The animals were managed by a man who
drove them and turned them at will, using only his voice and a long
switch. It is impossible to get carabaos to many irrigated sementeras
because of the high terrace walls, but this herd is used annually in the
Bontoc river bottom.

After each rice harvest the soil of the irrigated sementera is turned
for planting camotes, but this time it is turned dry. More eflPort is
needed to thrust the kay-kay deep enough into the dry soil, and it is
thrust three or four times before the earth may be turned. Only one-
half the surface of a sementera is turned for camotes. Raised beds
are made about 2 feet wide and 8 to 12 inches high. The spaces
between these beds become paths along which the cultivator and harvester
walks. The soil is turned from the spaces used as paths over the spaces
which become beds, but the earth under the bed is not turned or loosened.

Digitized by

Google

96 THE BONTOC IGOBOT [bth. subv. i

Bontoc beds are almost invariably constructed like parallel-sided,
square-cornered saw teeth standing at right angles to the blade of the
saw, which is also a camote bed, and are well shown in PL LXII. In
Tulubin this saw-tooth bed also occurs, but the continuous spiral bed
and the broken, parallel, straight beds are equally as common; they
are shown in figs. 2 and 3.

Fio. 2.~Parallel camote beds.

Fio. 3.— Spiral camote beds.

The mountain-side sementera for camotes, maize, millet, and beans
is prepared simply by being scratched or picked an inch or two deep
with the woman's camote stick, the su-wan'. If the plat is new the
grass is burned before the scratching occurs, but if it is cultivated
annually the surface seldom has any care save the shallow work of the
su-wan'; in fact, the surface stones are seldom removed.

In the season of 1903, the first rains came April 5, and the first
mountain sementera was scratched over for millet April 10, after five
successive daily rains.

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate LX. MUD-SPATTERED 80IL TURNERS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
<

3
h
UJ

Z
h

z
a.

I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-
z

3
Z
<

o
a

z
I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I
I-

p
z
<

-I
a
CO
z
<
oc

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

PiATi LXVII. THE BIRD SCARER8, Kl'-LAO. FLOATING OVER A FIELD OF RIPENING RICE.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

rhoto by Ji'nks.

PtATE LXIX. HARVESTING THE RICE.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

Plate LXX. TWO HARVESTERS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] PLANTING THE RICE SEED 97

FBRTIUZING

Much care is taken in fertilizing the irrigated sementeras. The hog
of a few pueblos in the Bontoc area, as in Bontoc and Samoki, is kept
confined all its life in a walled, stone-paved sty dug in the earth (see
PL LXXVII). Into this inclosure dry grasses and dead vines are
continually placed to absorb and become rotted by the liquids. As
the soil of the sementera is turned for the new rice crop these pigsties
are cleaned out and the rich manure spread on the beds.

The manure is sometimes carried by women though generally by men,
and the carriers in a string pass all day between the sementeras and
the pueblo, each bearing his transportation basket on his shoulder con-
taining about 100 pounds of as good fertilizer as agricultural man ever
thought to employ.

The manure is gathered from the sties with the two hands and is
dumped in the sementera in 10-pound piles about 5 feet apart after
the soil has been turned and trod soft and even.

It is said that in some sections of Igorot land dry vegetable matter
is burned so that ash may be had for fertilizing purposes.

I have seen women working long, dry grass under the soil in camote
sementeras at the time the crop was being gathered (PI. LXIV), but I
believe fertilizers are seldom employed, except where rice is grown.
Mountain-side sementeras are frequently abandoned after a few years*
service, as they are supposed to be exhausted, whereas fertilization
would restore them.

SEED PLANTING

Pad-cho-kan' is the name of the sementera used as a rice seed bed.

One or more small groups of sementeras in every pueblo is so protected
from the cold rains and winds of November and December and is so
exposed to the warm sun that it answers well the purposes of a primi-
tive hotbed ; consequently it becomes such, and anyone who asks permis-
sion of the owner may plant his seed there (see PI. LXV) .

The seed is planted in the beds after they have been thoroughly
worked and softened, the soil usually being turned three times. The
planting in Bontoc occurs the first part of November. November 15,
1902, the rice had burst its kernel and was above water in the Bontoc
beds. The seed is not shelled before planting, but the full fruit heads,
8!n-lu'-wi, are laid, without covering, on the soft ooze, under 3 or 4
inches of water. They are laid in rows a few inches apart, and are so
close together that by the time the young plants are 3 inches above
the surface of the water the bed is a solid mass of green.

Bontoc pueblo has six varieties of rice. Neighboring pueblos have
others; and it is probable that fifty, perhaps a hundred, varieties are
15223 7

Digitized by

Google

100 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.bubv.i

thinned generally, so that each plant will have all needful chance to
develop fruit. This weeding and thinning is the work of women and
half-grown children. Every day for nearly two months, or until the
fruit heads appear, the cultivators are diligently at work in the
sementeras. No tools or agricultural implements other than bare hands
are used in this work.

The men keep constant watch of the sementera walls and the irrigat-
ing canals, repairing all, thus indirectly assisting the women in their
cultivation by directing water to the growing crop and by conserving it
when it is obtained.

PBOTECTING

The rice begins to fruit early in April, at which time systematic
effort to protect the new grain from birds, rats, monkeys, and wild hogs
commences. This effort continues until the harvest is completed, prac-
tically for three months. Much of this labor is performed by water
power, much by wind power, and about all the children and old people
in a pueblo are busied from early dawn until twilight in the sementera
as independent guards. Besides, throughout the long night men and
women build fires among the sementeras and guard their crop from the
wild hog. It is a critical time with the Igorot.

The most natural, simplest, and undoubtedly the most successful
protection of the grain is the presence of a person on the terrace walls
of the sementera, whether by day or night. Hundreds of fields are so
guarded each day in Bontoc by old people and children, who frequently
erect small screens of tall grass to shade and protect themselves from
the sun.

The next simplest method is one followed by the boys. They employ
a hollow section of carabao horn, cut off at both ends and about 8
inches in length; it is called ^Tcong-ok'.^' This the boys beat when
birds are near, producing an open, resonant sound which may readily
be heard a mile.

The wind tosses about over the growing grain various ^^scarecrows.'^
The pa-chgk' is one of these. It consists of a single large dry leaf, or
a bunch of small dry leaves, suspended by a cord from a heavy, coarse
grass 6 or 8 feet high; the leaf, the sa-gi-kak', hangs 4 feet above the
fruit heads. It swings about slightly in the breezy, and probably is
some protection against the birds. I believe it the least effective of
the various things devised by the Igorot to protect his rice from the
multitudes of ti-lin' — the small, brown ricebird^ found broadly over
the Archipelago.

The most picturesque of these wind-tossed bird sharers is the ki'-lao.
The ki'-lao is a basket-work figure swung from a pole and is usually the
shape and size of the distended wings of a large gull, though it is also

^Muniajagori (Martens).

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

BIBD SCABEBS

101

made in other shapes, as that of man, the lizard, etc. The pole is about
20 feet high, and is stuck in the earth at such an angle that the swinging
figure attached by a line at the top of the pole hangs well over the
sementera and about 3 or 4 feet above the grain (see PI. LXVII).
The bird-like ki'-lao is hung by its middle, at what would be the neck
of the bird, and it soars back and forth, up and down, in a remarkably
lifelike way. There are often a dozen ki'-lao in a space 4 rods square,
and they are certainly effectual, if they look as bird like to ti-lin' as they
do to man. When seen a short distance away they appear exactly like
a flock of restless gulls turning and dipping in some harbor.

... "- ^

Fig. 4.— Bird scarer in rice field.

The water-power bird scarers are ingenious. Across a shallow, run-
ning rapids in the river or canal a line, called "pi-chug','^ is stretched,
fastened at one end to a yielding pole, and at the other to a rigid pole.
A bowed piece of wood about 15 inches long and 3 inches wide, called
"pit-ug','* is suspended by a line at each end from the horizontal cord.
This pit-ug' is suspended in the rapids, by which it is carried quickly
downstream as far as the elasticity of the yielding pole and the pi-chug'
will allow, then it snaps suddenly back upstream and is ready to be
carried down and repeat the jerk on the relaxing pole. A system of
cords passes high in the air from the jerking pole at the stream to other
slender, jerked poles among the sementeras. From these poles a low
jerking line runs over the sementeras, over which are stretched at right

Digitized by

Google

102 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.subv.i

angles parallel cords within a few feet of the fruit heads. These
parallel cords are also jerked, and their movement, together with that
of the leaves depending from them, is sufficient to keep the birds away.
One such machine may send its shock a quarter of a mile and trouble
the birds over an area half an acre in extent.

Other Igorot, as those of the upper Abra Eiver in Lepanto Province,
employ this same jerking machine to produce a sharp, clicking sound
in the sementera. The jerking cord repeatedly raises a series of hang-
ing, vertical wooden fingers, which, on being released, fall against a
stationary, horizontal bamboo tube, producing the sharp click. These
clicking machines are set up on two supporting sticks a few feet above
the grain every three or four yards about the sementeras.

There are many rodents, rats and mice, which destroy the growing
grain during the night unless great care is taken to check them. The
Igorot makes a small dead fall which he places in the path surrounding
the sementera. I have seen as many as .five of these traps on a single
side of a sementera not more than 30 feet square. The trap has a closely
woven, wooden dead fall, about 10 or 15 inches square; one end is set on
the path and the other is supported in the air above it by a striug. One
end of this string is fastened to a tall stick planted in the earth, the
lower end is tied to a short stick — a part of the "spring'^ held rigid
beneath the dead fall until the trigger is touched. The dead fall drops
when the rat, in touching the trigger, releases the lower end of the
cord. The animal springs the trigger either by nibbling a bait on it
or by running against it, and is immediately killed, since the dead fall
is weighted with stones.

Sementeras near some forested mountains in the Bontoc area are
pestered with monkeys. Day and night people remain on guard against
them in lonely, dangerous places — ^just the kind of spot the head-hunter
chooses wherein to surprise his enemy.

All border sementeras in every group of fields are subject to the
night visits of wild hogs. In some areas commanding piles of earth
for outlooks are left standing when the sementeras are constructed.
In other places outlooks are erected for the purpose. Permanent
shelters, some of them commodious stone structures, are often erected
on these outlooks where a person remains on guard night and day
(PI. LXVIII), at night burning a fire to frighten the wild hogs away.

At this season of the year when practically all the people of the
pueblo are in the sementeras, it is most interesting to watch the home
coming of the laborers at night. At early dusk they may be seen coming
in over the trails leading from the sementeras to the pueblo in long
processions. The boys and girls 5 or 6 years old or more, most of them
entirely naked, come playing or dancing along — the boys often marking
time by beating a tin can or two sticks — seemingly as full of life as

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8) HARVESTING 103

when they started out in the morning. The younger children are
toddling by the side of their father or mother, a small, dirty hand
smothered in a large, labor-cracked one; or else are carried on their
father^s back or shoulder, or perhaps astride their mother^s hip.
The old men and women, almost always unsightly and ugly, who
go to the sementera only to guard and not to toil, come slowly and
feebly home, oft^i picking their way with a staff. There is much
laughing and coquetting among the young people. A boy dashes by
with several girls in laughing pursuit, and it is not at all likely
that he escapes them with all his belongings. Many of the younger
married women carry babies; some carry on their heads baskets filled
with weeds used as food for the pigs, and all have their small rump
baskets filled with '^greens^^ or snails or fish.

A man may carry on his shoulder a huge short log of wood cut in the
mountains, the wood partially supported on the shoulder by his spear;
or he perhaps carries a large bunch of dry grass to be thrown into the
pigpen as bedding; or he comes swinging along empty handed save
for his spear used as a staff. Most of the returning men and boys
carry the empty topil, the small, square, covered basket in which rice
for the noon meal is carried to the sementera; sometimes a boy carries
a bunch of three or four, and he dangles them open from their strings
as he dances along.

For an hour or more the procession continues — one almost-naked
figure following another — all dirty, most of them doubtless tired, and
yet seemingly happy and content with the finish of their day of toil.
It is long after dark before the last straggler is in.

HARVKSTIKO

Bice harvesting in Bontoc is a delightful and picturesque sight to
an American, aad a most serious religious matter to the Igorot.

Though ceremonials having to do with agriculture have purposely
been omitted from this chapter, yet, since one of the most striking and
important features of the harvesting is the harvest ceremonial, it is
thought best to introduce it here.

Sa-fo'-sab is the name of the ceremony. It is performed in a path-
way adjoining each sementera before a single grain is gathered. In
the path the owner of the field builds a tiny fire beside which he
stands while the harvesters sit in silence. The owner says:

"So-mi-ka-ka' pa-kii' ta-mo i-sa'-mi sik'-a kin-po-num' nan a-lang',"
which, freely rendered, means, "Palay, when we carry you to the granary,
increase greatly so that you will fill it.^^

As soon as the ceremonial is said the speaker harvests one handful of
the grain, after which the laborers arise and begin the harvest.

In the trails leading past the sementera two tall stalks of runo are

Digitized by

Google

104 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

planted, and these, called "pud-i-pudV^ warn all Igorot that they must
not pass the sementera during the honrs of the harvest. Nor will they
ignore the warning, since, if they do they are liable to forfeit a hog or
other valuable possession to the owner of the grain.

I spent half a day trying to get close enough to a harvesting party
to photograph it. All the harvesters were women, and they scolded our
party long and severely while we were yet six or eight rods distant ; my
Igorot boys carrying the photographic outfit — ^boys who had lived four
months in my house — laughingly but positively refused to follow me
closer than three or four rods to the sementera. No photographs were
obtained at that time. It was only after the matter was talked over
by some of the men of the pueblo that photographs could be willingly
obtained, and the force of the warning pud-i-pud' withdrawn for our
party. Even during the time my Igorot boys were in the trail by a
harvest party all other Igorot passed around the warning runo. The
Igorot says he believes the harvest will be blasted even while being
gathered should one pass along a pathway skirting any side of the
sementera.

Several harvesters, from four to a dozen, labor together in each
sementera. They begin at one side and pass across the plat, gathering
all grain as they pass. Men and women work together, but women are
recognized the better harvesters, since their hands are more nimble.
Each fruited stalk is grasped shortly below the fruit head, and the
upper section or joint of the stalk, together with the fruit head and
topmost leaf, is pulled off. As most Bontoc Igorot are right-handed,
the plucked grain is laid in the left hand, the fruit heads projecting
beyond between the thumb and forefinger while the leaf attached to
each fruit head lies outside and below the thumb. When the proper
amount of grain is in hand (a bunch of stalks about an inch in diameter)
the useless leaves, all arranged for one grasp of the right hand, are
stripped off and dropped; the bunch of fruit heads, topping a 6-inch
section of clean stalk or straw is handed to a person who may be called
the "binder. This person in all harvests I have seen was a woman.
She binds aU the grain three, four, or five persons can pluck ; and when
there is one binder for every three gatherers the binder finds some time
also to gather.

The binder passes a small, prepared strip of bamboo twice around the
palay stalks, holds one end between her teeth and draws the binding
tight; then she twists the two ends together, and the bunch is secure.
The bunch, the manojo of the Spaniard, the sin fing-e' of the Igorot,
is then piled up on the binder^s head until a load is made. Before
each bunch is placed on the pile the fruitheads are spread out like an
open fan. These piles are never completed until they are higher than
the woman's arm can reach — several of the last bunches being tossed in
place, guided only by the tips of the fingers touching the butt of the

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB) STORING CROPS 105

straw. The women with their heads loaded high with ripened grain
are striking figures — and one wonders at the security of the loads.

When a load is made it is borne to the transportation baskets in some
part of the harvested section of the sementera, where it is gently slid
to the earth over the front of the head as the woman stoops forward. It
is loaded into the basket at once unless there is a scarcity of binders in
the field, in which case it awaits the completion of the harvest.

In all agricultural labors the Igorot is industrious, yet his humor, ever
present with him, brings relief from continued toil. The harvest field
is no exception, since there is much quiet gossip and jest during the
labors.

In 1903 rice was first harvested May 2. The harvest continued one
month, the crop of a sementera being gathered here and there as it
ripened. The Igorot calls this first harvest month the "moon of the
small harvest." During June the crop is ripened everywhere, and the
harvest is on in earnest; the Igorot speaks of it as the "moon of the
all harvest"

I had no view of the harvest of millet or maize; however, I have seen
in the pueblo much of each grain of some previous harvest. The millet,
I am told, is harvested similarly to the rice, and the clean-stalked bunches
are tied up in the same way— only the bunches are four or five times
larger.

The fruit head, or ears, of the maize is said to be plucked off the
stalks in the fields as the American farmer gathers green corn or seed
com. It is stored still covered with its husks.

The camote harvest is continued fairly well throughout the year.
Undoubtedly some camotes are dug every day in the year from the
dry mountain-side sementeras, but the regular harvest occurs during
November and December, during which time the camotes are gathered
from the irrigated sementeras preparatory to turning the soil for the
transplanting of new rice.

Women are the camote gatherers. I never saw men, nor even boys,
gathering camotes. At no other time does the Igorot woman look so
animal like as when she toils among the camote vines, standing with
legs straight and feet spread, her body held horizontal, one hand grasp-
ing the middle of her short camote stick and the other in the soil picking
out the unearthed camotes. She looks as though she never had stood
erect and never would stand erect on two feet. Thus she toils day after
day from early morning till dusk that she and her family may eat.

No palay is carried to the a-lang', the separate granar)^ building, or
to the dwelling for the purpose of being stored until the entire crop of
the sementera is harvested. It may be carried part way, but there it
halts until all the grain is ready to be carried home.

Digitized by

Google

106 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth. buev. i

It is spread out on the ground or on a roof in the sun two or three
days to dry before storing. When the grain is to be stored away an old
man — any man — asks a blessing on it that it may make men, hogs, and
chickens well, strong, and fat when they consume it. This ceremony is
called ^Tia-f o'-kab,^* and the man who performs it is known by the title
of "in-ka-fa'.^'

The Igorot granary, the a-lang', is a 'Tiip-roofed^* structure about 8
feet long, 6 wide, 4 feet high at the sides and 6 at the ridgepole.
Its sides are built of heavy pine planks, which are inserted in grooved
horizontal timbers, the planks being set up vertically. The floor is about
a foot from the earth. The roof consists of a heavy, thick cover of long
grass securely tied on a pole frame. It is seldom that a granary stands
alone — ^usually there are two or more together, and Bontoc has several
groups of a dozen each, as shown in PL LXXII. When built together
they are better protected from the rain storms. The roofs also are made
so they extend close to the earth, thus almost entirely protecting the
sides of the structure from the storms. All cracks are carefully filled
with pieces of wood wedged and driven in. Even the door, consisting
of two or three vertical planks set in grooved timbers, is laboriously
wedged the same way. The building is rodent proof, and, because of
its wide, projecting roof and the fact that it sets oflE the earth, it is
practically moisture proof.

Most palay is stored in the granaries in the small bunches tied at
harvest. The a-lang^ is carefully closed again after each sementera crop
has been put in. There are granaries in Bontoc which have not been
opened, it is said, in eight or more years, except to receive additional
crops of palay, and yet the grain is as perfectly preserved as when first
stored. Some palay, especially that needed for consumption within a
reasonable time, is stored in the upper part of the family dwelling.

Maize and millet are generally stored in the dwelling, in the second
and third stories, since not enough of either is grown to fill an a-lang',
it is said.

Camotes are sometimes stored in the granary after the harvest of the
irrigated fields. Often they are put away in the kubkub, the two com-
partments at either end of the sleeping room on the groimd floor of the
dwelling. At other times one sees bushels of camotes put away on the
earth under the broad bench extending the full length of the dwelling.
In the poorer class of dwellings the camotes are frequently dumped in
a comer.

Beans are dried and shelled before storing and are set away in a
covered basket, usually in the upper part of the dwelling. Only one or
two cargoes are grown by each family, so little space is needed for storage.

Since rice is the staple food and may be preserved almost indefinitely,
the Igorot has developed a means and place to care for it. Maize and
milletj while probably capable of as long preservation, are generally not

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] ^ ZOOCULTUEE 107

grown in suflScient quantity to require more storage space than the
upper part of the dwelling affords. The Igorot has not developed a
way to preserve his camotes long after harvest; they are readily
perishable,^ consequently no place has been differentiated as a storehouse.

EXPENSE AND PROriT

An irrigated sementera 60 by 100 feet, having 6,000 square feet of
surface, is valued at two carabaos, or, in money, about 100 pesos. It
produces an average annual crop of ten cargoes of palay, each worth
1 peso. Thus there is an annual gross profit of ten per cent on the
value of the permanent investment.

It requires ten men one day to turn the soil and fertilize the plat.
The wage paid in palay is equivalent to 5 cents per laborer, or 50 cents.
Five women can transplant the rice in one day; cost, 26 cents. Culti-
vating and protecting the crop falls to the members of the family which
owns the sementera, so the Igorot say; he claims never to have to pay
for such labor. Twenty people can harvest the crop in a day; cost,
1 peso.

The total annual expense of maintaining the sementera as a productive
property is, therefore, equivalent to 1.75 pesos. This leaves 8.25 pesos
net profit when the annual expense is deducted from the annual gross
profit A net profit of 8.25 per cent is about equivalent to the profit
made on the 10,000-acre Bonanza grain farms in the valley. of the
Bed River of the North, and the 5,000-acre com farm of Iowa.

Z0()CULTURS

The carabao, hog, chicken, and dog are the only animals domes-
ticated by the Igorot of the Bontoc culture area.

Cattle are kept by Benguet Igorot throughout , the extent of the
province. Some towns, as Kabayan, have 300 or 400 head, but the
Bontoc Igorot has not yet become a cattle raiser.

In Benguet, Lepanto, and Abra there are pueblos with half a hundred
brood mares. Daklan, of Benguet, has such a bunch, and other pueblos
have smaller herds.

In Bontoc Province between Bontoc pueblo and Lepanto Province
a few mares have recently been brought in. Sagada and Titipan each
have half a dozen. Near the east side of the Bontoc area there are a
few bunches of horses reported among thelgorot, and in February, 1903,
an American brought sixteen head from there into Bontoc. These
horses are all descendants of previous domestic animals, and an addition
of half a hundred is said to have been made to the number by horses
abandoned by the insurgents about three years past. Some of the sixteen
brought out in 1903 bore saddle marks and the brands common in the
coastwise lands. These eastern horses are not used by the Igorot except

Digitized by

Google

108 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.burv.i

for food, and no property right is recognized in them, though the Igorot
brands them with a battle-ax brand. He exercises about as much pro-
tecting control over them as the Bontoc man does over the wild carabao.

The people of Bontoc say that when Lumawig came to Bontoc they
had no domestic carabaos — that those they now have were originally
purchased, before the Spaniards came, from the Tinguian of Abra
Province.

There are in the neighborhood of 400 domestic carabaos owned in
Bontoc and Samoki. Most of them nm half wild in the moimtains
encircling the pueblos. Such as are in the mountains receive neither
herding, attention in breeding, feed, nor salt from their owners. The
yoimg are dropped in February and March, and their owners mark
them by slitting the ear, each person recognizing his own by the mark.

A herd of seventeen, consisting of animals belonging to five owners,
ranges in the river bottom and among the sementeras close to Bontoc.
These animals are more tame than those of the moimtains, but receive
little more attention, except that they are taught to perform a certain
unique labor in preparing the sementeras for rice, as has been noted
in the section on agriculture. This is the only use to which the
Bontoc carabao is put as a power in industry. He is seldom sold outside
the pueblo and is raised for consumption, chiefly on various ceremonial
occasions.

Four men in Bontoc own fifty carabaos each. Three others have a
herd of thirty in joint ownership. Others own five and six each, and
again a single carabao may be the joint property of two and even
six individuals. Carabaos are valued at from 40 to 70 pesos.

Bontoc has no record of the time or manner of first acquiring the
hog, chicken, or dog. The people say they had all three when Lumawig
came.

Sixty or 70 per cent of the pigs littered in Bontoc are marked length-
wise with alternate stripes of brick-red or yellowish hair, the other hair
being black or white; the young of the wild hog is marked the same.
All the pigs, both domestic and wild, outgrow this red or yellow mark-
ing at about the age of six months, and when they are a year old become
fine-looking black hogs with white marking not unlike the Berkshire of
the States. There is no chance to doubt that the Igorot domestic hog
was the wild hog in the surrounding mountains a few generations ago.

The Bontoc hog is bred, bom, and raised in a secure pen, yet wild
blood is infused direct, since pigs are frequently purchased by Bontoc
from surrounding pueblos, most of whose hogs run half wild and inter-

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS]

THE CHICKEN 109

mingle with the wild ones of the mountains. That the domestic hog in
some places in northern Luzon does thus interbreed with the wild ones
is a proved fact. In the Quiangan area I was shown a litter of half-
breeds and was told that it was customary for the pueblo sows to breed
to the wild boar of the mountains.

The Bontoc hog in many ways is a pampered pet. He is at all times
kept in a pen and fed regularly three times each day with camote vines
when in season, with camote parings, and small camotes available, and
with green vegetal matter, including pusleys, gathered by the girls and
women when there are no camote vines. All of his food is carefully
washed and cooked before it is given to him.

The pigsty consists of a pit in the earth about 4 feet deep, 5 or 6 feet
wide, and 8 or 12 feet long. It is entirely lined with bowlders, and the
floor space consists of three sections of about equal size. One end is two
or more feet deeper than the other, and it is into this lower space that the
washings of the pen are stored in the rotted straw and weeds, and from
which the manure for fertilizer is taken. The other end is covered
over level with the outside earth with timbers, stones and dirt ; it is the
pig's bed and is entered by a doorway in the stone wall. Most of these
^1)eds'' have a low, grass roof about 30 inches high over them. Under-
neath the roof is an opening in the earth where the people defecate.
Connecting the ^1)ed" section and the opposite lower section of the sty
is an incline on which the stone "feed'' troughs are located.

As soon as a pig is weaned he is kept in a separate pen, and one family
may have in its charge three or four pens. The sows are kept mainly
for breeding, and there are many several years old. The richest man
in Bontoc owns about thirty hogs, and these are farmed out for feeding
and breeding — a common practice. When one is killed it is divided
equally between the owner and the feeder. When a litter of pigs is
produced the bunch is divided equally, the sow remaining the property
of the owner and counting as one in the division. Throughout the
Island of Luzon it is the practice to leave most male animals uncastrated.
But in Bontoc the boar not intended for breeding is castrated.

Hogs are raised for ceremonial consumption. They are commonly
bought and sold within the pueblo, and are not infrequently sold outside.
A pig weighing 10 pounds is worth about 3 pesos, and a hog weighing
60 or 70 pounds is valued at about 12 pesos.

The Bontoc domestic chickens were originally the wild fowl, found in
all places in the Archipelago, although some of them have acquired
varied colorings and markings, largely, probably, from black and white
Spanish fowl, which are still found among them. The markings of
the wild fowl, however, are the most common, and practically all small
chickens are marked as are their wild kin. The wild fowl bears mark-

Digitized by

Google

110 THE BONTOC IGOROT [BTH.8Tnnr.i

ings similar to those of the American black-breasted red game, though
the fowls are smaller than the American game fowl. Bach of- the
twelve wild cocks I have had in my hands had perfect five-pointed single
combs, and the domestic cock of Bontoc also commonly has this perfect
comb. I know of no people within the Bontoc area who now systemati-
cally domesticate the wild fowl, though this was f oimd to be the custom
of the Ibilao southeast of Dupax in the Province of Nueva Vizcaya.
Those people catch the young wild fowl for domestication.

The Bontoc domestic fowl axe not confined in a coop except at night,
when they sleep in small cages placed on the ground in the dwelling
houses. In the daytime they range about the pueblo feeding much
in the pigpens, though they are fed a small amount of raw rice each
morning. Their nests are in baskets secured under the eaves of the
dwelling, and in those baskets the brooding hens hatch their chicks,
from eight to twenty eggs being given a hen. The fowl is raised exclu-
sively for ceremonial consumption, and is frequently sold in the pueblo
for that purpose, being valued at from half a peso to a peso each.
A wild fowl sells for half a peso.

In Banawi of the Quiangan area, south of Bontoc, one may find
large capons, but Bontoc does not understand caponizing.

The dog of the Bontoc Igorot is usually of a solid color, black, white,
or yellow, really *T)uckskin" color. Where he originated is not known.
He has none of the marks of the Asiatic dog which has left its impress
everywhere in the lowlands of the west coast of Luzon — called in the
Islands the ''Chino'' dog, and in the States the "Eskimo'' dog. The
Igorot dog is short-haired, sharp-eared, gaunt, and sinewy, with long
legs and body. In height and length he ranges from a fair-sized fox
terrier to a collie. I fail to see anything in him resembling the Aus-
tralian dingo or the "yellow cur'' of the States. The Ibilao have the
same dog in two colors, the black and the ^T)rindle" — ^the brown and
black striped. In fact, a dog of the same general characteristics occurs
throughout northern Luzon. No matter what may be his origin, a dog
so widely diffused and so characteristically molded and marked must
have been on the island long enough to have acquired its typical features
here. The dog receives little attention from his owners. Twice each
day he is fed sparingly with cooked rice or camotes. Except in the case
of the few himting dogs, he does nothing to justify his existence. He
lies about the dwelling most of the time, and is a surly, more or less
evil-tempered cur to strangers, though when a pueblo flees to the moun-
tains from its attacking enemies the dog escapes in a spiritless way
with the women and children. He is bred mainly for ceremonial
consumption.

Digitized by

Google

jBNKs] man's clothing 111

in Benguet the Igorot eats his dog only after it has been reduced to
skin and bones. I saw two in a house so poor that they did not raise
their heads when I entered, and the man of the house said they would
be kept twenty days longer before they would be reduced properly for
eating. No such custom exists in Bontoc, but dogs are seldom fat
when eaten. They arc not often bought or sold outside the pueblo.
A litter of pups is generally distributed about the town, and dogs are
constantly bought and sold within the pueblo for ceremonial purposes.
They are valued at from 2 to 4 pesos.

CLOTHINa PBODUCnON
MAN'S CLOTHIMO

Up to the age of 6 or 7 years the Igorot boys are as naked as when
bom. At that time they put on the suk'-l&ng, the basket-work hat
worn on the back of the head, held in place by a cord attached at both
sides and passing across the forehead and usually hidden by the front
hair. The suk^-lftng is made in nearly all pueblos in the Bontoc culture
area. It does not extend uninterruptedly to the western border, however,
since it is not worn at all in Agawa, and in some other pueblos near
the Lepanto border, as Fidelisan and Genugan, it has a rival in the
headband. The beaten-bark headband, called "a-pong'-ot,'* and the
headband of cloth are worn by short-haired men, while the long-haired
man invariably wears the hat. The suk'-lftng varies in shape from the
fez-like ti-no-od' of Bontoc and Samoki, through various hemispherical
forms, to the low, flat hats developing eastward and perfected in the
last mountains west of the Rio Grande de Cagayan. Barlig makes
and wears a carved wooden hat, either hemispherical or slightly oval.
It goes in trade to Ambawan.

The men of the Bontoc area also have a basket-work, conical rain
hat. It is waterproof, being covered with beeswax. It is called "s€g-fiV*
and is worn only when it rains, at which time the suk'-14ng is often not
removed.

About the age of 10 the boys frequently affect a girdle. These girdles
are of four varieties. The one most common in Bontoc and Samoki
is the song-kit-an', made of braided bark-fiber strings, some six to
twelve in number and about 12 feet long. They are doubled, and so
make the girdle about 6 feet in length. The strings are the twisted inner
bark of the same plants that play a 'large r61e in the manufacture of the
woman's skirt. This girdle is usually worn twice around the body,
though it is also employed as an apron, passing only once around the'
body and hanging down over the genitals (see PI. XXI). Another
girdle worn much in Tukukan, Kanyu, and Tulubin is called the "i-ldf.'*
It is made of six to twelve braided strings of bejuco (see PI. LXXX).
It is constructed to fit the waist, has loops at both ends, passes once

Digitized by

Google

112 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.subv.i

around the body, and fastens by a cord passing from one loop to the
other. Both the sang-ki-tan' and the i-ldf are made by the women.
A third class of girdles is made by the men. It is called ka'-kot, and
is worn and attached quite as is the i-kit'. It is a twisted rope of
bejuco, often an inch in diameter, and is much worn in Mayinit A
fourth girdle, called ^Tca'-ching,^^ is a chain, frequently a dog chain of
iron purchased on the coast, of tener a chain manufactured by the men,
and consisting of large, open links of commercial brass wire about one-
sixth of an inch in diameter.

At about the age of puberty, say at 15, it is usual for the boy to
possess a breechcloth, or wa'-nls. However, the cloth is worn by a
large per cent of men in Bontoc and Samoki, not as a breechcloth but
tucked under the girdle and hanging in front simply as an apron.
Within the Bontoc area fully SO per cent of the men wear the breechcloth
simply as an apron.

There are several varieties of breechcloths in the area. The simplest
of these is of flayed tree bark. It is made by women in Barlig, Tulubin,
Titipan, Agawa, and other pueblos. It is made of white and reddish-
brown bark, and sometimes the white ones are colored with red ocher.
The white one is called "so'-puf and the red one "ti-nan'-ag.^^ Some
of the other breechcloths are woven of cotton thread by the women.
Much of this cotton is claimed by the Igorot to be tree cotton which they
gather, spin and weave, but much also comes in trade from the Ilokano
at the coast. Some is purchased in the boll and some is purchased after
it has been spun and colored. Many breechcloths are now bought ready
made from the Ilokano.

Men generally carry a bag tucked under the girdle, ami very often
indeed these bags are worn in lieu of the breechcloth aprons — ^the girdle
and the bag apron being the only clothing (see PL CXXV and also Fron-
tispiece, where, from left to right, figs. 1, 2, 3, 5, and 7 wear simply a
bag). One of the bags commonly worn is the fi-chong', the bladder of
the hog; the other, cho'-kao, is a cloth bag some 8 inches wide and
15 inches long. These cloth bags are woven in most of the pueblos
where the cotton breechcloth is made.

Old men now and then wear a blanket, pi'-tay, but the younger men
never do. They say a blanket is for the women.

Some few of the principal men in many of the pueblos throughout
the area have in late years acquired either the Army blue-woollen shirt,
a cotton shirt, or a thin coat, and these they wear during the cold
storms of January and February, and on special social occasions.

During the period of preparing the soil for transplanting palay the
men frequently wear nothing at the middle except the girdle. In and
out of the pueblo they work, carrying loads of manure from the hogpens
to the fields, apparently as little concerned or noticed as though they
wore their breechcloths.

Digitized by

Google

X
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

111

z
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

<
>

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate LXXV. CARRYING HOME THE CAMOTE8.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

<
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photos by Martin.

Plate LXXVII. BONTOC PIQPENS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-

<
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
<

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Worcester.

PukTE LXXX. {a) THE BAQ POCKET CARRIED IN FRONT; (0) THE RAIN HAT.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I
I-

z
p

•e ID
XI Q.

2
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

I-

z
<

-J

3
00

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

PiATE LXXXMI. WOMAN SPINNING THREAD ON HER NAKED THIGH.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JKNK8] woman's CLOTHING 113

All Igorot — ^men, women, and children — sleep without breecheloth,
skirt, or jacket. If a woman owns a blanket she uses it as a covering
when the nights are cold. All wear basket-work nightcaps, called
"kut^-lao.^^ They are made to fit closely on the head, and have a small
opening at the top. They may be worn to keep the hair from snarling,
though I was unable to get any reason from the Igorot for their use,
save that they were worn by their ancestors.

WOMAN'S CLOTHING

From infancy to the age of 8 and very often 10 years the little girls are
naked ; not unf requently one sees about the pueblo a girl of a dozen years
entirely nude. However, practically all girls from about 5 years, and
also all women, have blankets which are worn when it is cold, as almost
invariably after sundown, though no pretense is made to cover their
nakedness with them. During the day this pi^-tay, or blanket, is seldom
worn except in the dance. I have never seen women or girls dance
without it. The blankets of the girls are usually small and white with
a blue stripe down each side and through the middle; they are called
^Tdid-pas'." Those of the women are of four kinds — ^the ti-na'-pi, the
fa-yi-ong', the fan-cha^-la, and the pi-nag-pa'-gan. In Barlig, Agawa,
and Tulubin the flayed tree-bark blanket is worn ; and in Kambulo, east
of Barlig, woven bark-fiber blankets are made which sometimes come
to Bontoc.

Before a girl puts on her lu-fid^, or woven bark-fiber skirt, at about
8 or 10 years of age, she at times wears simply the narrow girdle, later
worn to hold up the skirt. The skirt is both short and narrow. It
usually extends from below the navel to near the knees. It opens on
the side, and is frequently so scant and narrow that one leg is exposed
as the person walks, the only part of the body covered on that side being
under the girdle, or wa'-lds — a woven band about 4 inches wide passing
twice around the body (see PI. XXIII). The women sometimes wear
the braided-string bejuco belt, i-k!t', worn by the men.

The lu-fid' and the wa'-kis are the extent of woman's ordinary cloth-
ing. For some months after the mother gives birth to a child she wears
an extra wa'-lds wrapped tightly about her, over which the skirt is worn
as usual. During the last few weeks of pregnancy the woman may leave
oflf her skirt entirely, wearing simply her blanket over one shoulder and
about her body. Women wear breechcloths during the three or four
days of menstruation.

During the period when the water-soaked soil of the sementera is
turned for transplanting palay the women engaged in such labor gen-
erally lay aside their skirts. Sometimes they retain a girdle and tudc
an apron of camote leaves or of weeds under it before and behind. I
have frequently come upon women entirely naked climbing up and down
15223 8

Digitized by

Google

114 THE BONTOC IGOROT [BTH.Bt7Bv.i

the steep, stone dikes of their sementeras while weeding them, and also
at the clay pits where Samoki women get their earth for making pottery.
In May, 1903, it rained hard every afternoon for two or three hours in
Bontoc pueblo, and at such times the women out of doors uniformly
removed their ckthing. They worked in the fields and went from the
fields to their dwellings nude, wearing on their heads while in the trail
either their long, basket rain protector or a head covering of camote
vines, under which reposed their skirts in an effort to keep them dry.
Sometimes while passing our house en route from the field to the
pueblo the women wore the girdle with the camote-vine apron, called
pay-pay. Often no girdle was worn, but the women held a small bunch
of leaves against the body in lieu of an attached apron. Sometimes,
however, their hands were occupied with their burdens, and their nudity
seemed not to trouble them in the least. The women remove their skirts,
they say, because they usually possess only one at a time, and they
prefer to go naked in the rain and while working in the wet sementeras
rather than sit in a wet skirt when they reach home.

Few women in the Bontoc area wear jackets or waists. Those to the
west, toward the Province of Lepanto, frequently wear short ones, open
in front without fastening, and having quarter sleeves. - Those women
also wear somewhat longer skirts than do the Bontoc women.

In Agawa and near-by pueblos to the west, and \n Barlig and vicinity
to the east, the women make and wear flayed-bark jackets and skirts.
Prom Barlig bark jackets for women come in trade to Tulubin. They
are not simply sheets of bark, but the bark is strengthened by a coarse
reinforcement of a warp sewed or quilted.

Many of the women's skirts and girdles woven west of Bontoc pueblo
are made also of the Ilokano cotton. The skirts and girdles of Bontoc
pueblo and those found commonly eastward are entirely of Igorot pro-
duction. Pour varieties of plants yield the threads; the inner bark is
gathered and then spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm
of the hand (see PL LXXXIII).

All weaving in Igorot land is done by the woman with the simplest
kind of loom, such as is scattered the world over among primitive people.
It is well shown in PI. LXXXIV, which is a photograph of a Lepanto
Igorot loom.

IMPLEMENT AND UTENSIL PBODUOTION
INTRODUCTION

It is only after one has brought together all the implements and
utensils of an Igorot pueblo that he realizes the large part played in
it by basket work. Were basketry and pottery cut from the list of his
productions the Igorof s everyday labors would be performed with bare
hands and crude sticks.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] IMPLEMENTS 115

Where is the Igorot's "stone age"? There are stone hammers and
stones used as anvils in the ironsmith^s shop. There are stone troughs or
bowls in most pigpens in which the animaFs food is placed. Very rarely,
as in the Quiangan area, one sees a large, flat stone supported a foot
or two from the earth by other stones. It is used as a bench or table,
but has no special purpose. There are whetstones for sharpening the
steel spear and battle-ax; there is the stone of the "flint-and-steer* fire
machine; and of course stones are employed as seats, in constructing
terrace walls, in dams, and in the building of various inhabited struc-
tures, but that is all. There is no "stone age" — ^no memory pf it —
and, if the people were swept away to-day, to-morrow would reveal no
trace of it. It is believed that the Igorot is to-day as much in the
"stone age" as he ever has been in his present land. He had little
use for stone weapons, implements, or utensils before he manufactured
in iron.

Before he had iron he was essentially a user and maker of weapons,
implements, utensils, and tools of wood. There are many vestiges of
the wood age to-day ; several show the use of wood for purposes usually
thought of as solely within the sphere of stone and metal. Among
these vestiges may be noted the bamboo knife used in circumcision ; the
sharp stick employed in the ceremonial killing of domestic hogs in
Benguet; the bamboo instrument of ten or a dozen cutting blades used
to shape and dress the hard, wooden spear shafts and battle-ax handles ;
the use of bamboo spearheads attached to hard-wood shafts; and the
bamboo spikes stuck in trails to impale the enemy.

In addition to the above uses of wood for cutting flesh and working
wood there follow, in this and subsequent chapters, enough data regard-
ing the uses of wood to demonstrate that the wood age plays a large
part in the life of a primitive people prior to the common use of metals.
Without metals there was practically no occasion for the development
of stone weapons and tools in a country with such woods as the bamboo ;
so in the Philippines we find an order of development different from
that widespread in the temperate zones — the "stone age" appears to be
omitted.

WOODEN IMPLEMENTS AND UTEN8IM

The kay-kay (PI. LXI) is one of the most indispensable wooden
tools in Igorot land. It is a hard-wood implement from 5 to 7 feet
long, sharpened to a dull, flat edge at one end ; this end is fire tempered
to harden and bind the fibers, thus preventing splitting and excessive
wear. The kay-kay is obtained in the mountains in the vicinity of
most pueblos, so it is seldom bought or sold. It is the soil-turning
stick, used by both men and women in turning the earth in all irrigated
sementeras for rice and camotes. It is also employed in digging around
and prying out rocks to be removed from sementeras or needed for walls.

Digitized by

Google

116 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.8ubv.i

It is spade, plow, pickax, and crowbar. A small per cent of the kay-kay
is shod with an iron point, rendering them more efficient, especially in
breaking up new or sod ground.

The su-wan^, the woman's camote stick, is about 2 feet long and an
inch in diameter (PI. LXXV). It is a heavy, compact wood, and is used
by the woman until worn down 6 or 8 indies, when it usually becomes
the property of a small girl for gathering wild plants for ihe family
pigs. The su-wan^ of the woman of Bontoc and Samoki comes, mostly
in trade, from the mountains near Tulubin. It is employed in picking
the earth loose in all \mirrigated sementeras, as those for camotes, millet,
beans, and maize. It is also used to pick over the earth in camote
sementeras when the crop is gathered. Perhaps 1 per cent of these
sticks is shod with an iron point. Such an instrument is of genuine
service in the rough, stony mountain lands, but is not so serviceable as
the unshod stick in the irrigated sementeras, because it cuts and bruises
the vegetables.

The most common wooden vessel in the Bontoc area is the kak-wan',
a vessel, or "pail" holding about six or eight quarts. In it the cooked
food of the pigs is mixed and carried to the animals. Every household
has two or more of them.

A few small, poorly made wooden dishes, called "chu'-yu", are found
in each dwelling, from which the people eat broth of fish or other meats.
All are of inferior workmanship and, in common with all things of
wood made by the Igorot, are the product of the man's art. Both the
knife and fire are used to hollow out these bowls.

A long-handled wooden dipper, called ^Tca-od','' is found in every
dwelling. It belongs with the kak-wan', the pig-food pail.

Tiig-on' is a large, long-handled spoon used exclusively as a drinking
dipper for the fermented liquor called "sa-fu-^ig'."

Pa'-nu is a wooden ladle employed in cooking foods.

A few very-crude eating spoons, about the size of the dessert spoon
of America, are found in most dwellings. They are usually without
ornament, and are called "i-chfts'.''

METAL IMPLEMENTS AND UTENSILS

The wa'-say is the only metal implement employed at all commonly
in the area; it is found in each family. It consists of an iron, steel-
bitted blade from an inch to an inch and a half in width and about
6 inches in length. It is attached to the short, wooden handle by a
square haft inserted into the handle. Since the haft is square the
implement may be instantly converted into either an "ax'' with blade
parallel to the handle or an "adz" with blade at right angle to the
handle.

This is the tool used in felling and cutting up all trees, and in getting

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] SAMOKI POTTERY 117

out and dressing all timbers and boards. It is the sole carpenter tool,
unless the man by chance possess a bolo.

There are no metal agricultural implements in common use. As was
noted earlier in the chapter, the soil-turning stick and the woman^s
camote stick are now and then shod with iron, but they are rare.

There are a few large, shallow Chinese iron boilers in the area, used
especially for boiling sugar, evaporating salt in Mayinit, and for cooking
carabao or large quantities of hog on ceremonial occasions. There are
probably not more than two or three dozen s^h boilers in Bontoc pueblo,
though they are becoming much more pleSnul during the past three
years — since the Igorot has more money and goes more often to Candon
on the coast, where he buys them.

Most of the pottery consumed in the Bontoc area is the product of
Samoki, the sister pueblo of Bontoc. Samoki pottery meets no compe-
tition down the river to the north until in the vicinity of Bitwagan,
which makes and vends similar ware both up and down the river. To
the south there is also competition, since Data makes and sells an
excellent pot to Antedao, Fidelisan, Sagada, Titipan, and other near-by
pueblos. It is probable, also, that Lias and Barlig, to the east, are
supplied with pottery, and, if so, that their source is Bitwagan. But
Bitwagan and Data pots are really not competitors with those of
Samoki; they rather supply areas which the Samoki potters can not
reach because of distance and the hostility of the people.

There are no traditions clustering around pottery making in Samoki.
The potters say they taught themselves, and have always made earthen-
ware.

To-day Samoki pottery is made of two clays — one a reddish-brown
mineral dug from pits several feet deep on the hillside, shown in
PI. LXXXII, and the other a bluish mineral gathered from a shallow
basin situated on the hillside nearer the river than the pits, and in
which a little water stands much of the year.

Formerly Samoki made pottery of only the brown clay, and she used
cut grass intermixed for a temper, but she claims those earlier pots
were too porous to glaze well. Consequently the experiment was made
of adding the blue surface clay, in which there is a considerable amount
of fresh and decaying vegetable matter — probably sufficient to give
temper, although the potters do not recognize it as such.

Samoki consists of eight ato, one of which is I-kang'-a occupying the
outer fringe of dwellings on the northwest side of the pueblo. It is
claimed that all of the women of I-kang'-a, whether married or single,
are potters. Even women who marry men of the I-kang'-a ato, and
who come to that section of the pueblo to live, learn and follow the

Digitized by

Google

118 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.subv.i

potter^s art. A few married women in other ato also manufacture
pottery. They seem to be married daughters of I-kang'-a ato.

A fine illustration of community industry is presented by the ato
potters of Samoki. It could not be learned that there are any definite
regulations, other than custom, demanding that all women of I-kang'-a
manufacture pots, or any regulation which forces daughters of that ato
to discontinue the art when they marry outside. But custom has fixed
quite rigidly such a regulation, and though, as just stated, a few I-kang'-a
women married into othe^to of Samoki do manufacture pottery, yet
no I-kang'-a women marrad into other pueblos carry on the art. It
may be argued that a lack of suitable day has thwarted manufacture
in other pueblos, but clay is common in the mountains of the area, and
the sources of the materials used in Samoki are readily accessible to at
least the pueblo of Bontoc, where also there are many Samoki women
living.

The clay pits lie north of Samoki, between a quarter and a half of a
mile distant, and the potters go to .them in the early morning while
the earth is moist, and dig and bring home the clays. The woman
gathers half a transportation basket of each of the clays, and while at
the pits crudely works both together into balls 4 or 5 inches in diameter.
In this form the clay is carried to the pueblo.

All the pottery is manufactured in the shade of the potter's dwelling,
and the first process is a thorough mixing of the two clays. The balls
of the crudely mixed material are put into a small, wooden trough, are
slightly moistened, and then thoroughly worked with a wooden pestle,
the potter crouching on her haunches or resting on her knees during
the labors. She is shown in PI. LXXXIX a. After the clay is mixed
it is manipulated in small handfuls, between the thumb and fingers, in
order that all stones and coarse pieces of vegetable matter may be
removed. When the mortarful has thus been handled it is ready for
making ^ots.

A mass of this clay, thoroughly mixed and plastic, is placed on a
board on the earth before the kneeling or crouched potter. She pokes
a hole in the top of this mass with thimibs and fingers, and quickly
enlarges it. As soon as the opening is large enough to admit one hand
it is dug out and enlarged by scraping with the ends of the fingers, and
the clay so gathered is immediately built onto the upper rim of the
mass. The inside is next further scraped and smoothed with the side
of the forefinger. At this juncture a small mass of clay is rolled into
a strip between the hands and placed on the upper edge of the shaping
mass, completely encircling it. This roll is at once shaped by the hands
into a crude, flaring rim. A few swift touches on the outer face of the
crude pot removes protruding masses and roughly shapes the surface.
The rim is moistened with water and smoothed inside and out by the

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] BURNING THE POTTERY 119

hand and a short, round stick. This process is well illustrated in
PI. XC. The first stage of manufacture is completed and the vessel is
set in the sun with the rim of an old broken pot for a supporting base.

In the course of a few hours the shaped and nearly completed rim of
the pot becomes strong and set by the heat of the sun. However, the
rough and irregular bowl has apparently retained relatively a larger
amount of moisture and is in prime condition to be thinned, expanded,
and given final form. The pot is now handled by the rim, which is
suflSciently rigid for the purpose, and is Ijimed about on its supporting
base as is needed, or the base is turned about on the earth like a crude
^^potter's wheel.^^ A smooth discOidal stone, some 4 or 5 inches in
diameter, and a wooden paddle are the instruments used to shape the
bowl. The paddle is first dipped in water and rubbed over one of the
flattish surfaces of the stone slightly to moisten it, and is then beaten
against the outer surface of the bowl, while the stone, tapped against the
inner surface, prevents indenting or cracking, and, by oflEering a more
or less nonresisting surface, assists in thinning and expanding the clay.
After the upper part of the bowl has been thus completed the potter
sits on her feet and haunches, with her knees thrust forward from her.
Again and again she moistens her paddle and discoidal stone, and
continues the spanking process until the entire bowl of the pot is
shaped. It is then set in the sun to dry — ^this time usually bottom
side up.

After it has thoroughly dried, both the inner and outer surfaces are
carefully and patiently smoothed and polished with a small stone,
commonly a ribbon agate. During this process all pebbles found pro-
truding from the surface are removed and the pits are filled with new
clay thoroughly smoothed in place, and the thickness of the pot is made
more uniform. The vessel is again placed on its supporting base in the
sun, and kept turned and tilted until it has become well dried and set.
Two and sometimes three days are required to bring a pot thus far
toward completion, though during the same time there are several equally
completed by each potter.

There remains yet the burning and glazing. Samoki bums her pots
in the morning before simrise. Immediately on the outskirts of the
pueblo there is a large, gravelly place strewn with thin, black ash where
for generations the potters coming and going have completed their
primitive ware. Usually two or more firings occur each week, and
several women combine and bum their pots together. On the earth
small stones are laid upon which one tier of vessels is placed, each lying
upon its side. Tier upon tier of pots is then placed above the first
layer, each on its side and each supported by and supporting other pots.
The heat is supplied by pine bark placed beneath and around the lower
layer. The pile is entirely blanketed with dead grass tied in small

Digitized by

Google

120

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[BTH. 8UBY. 1

bunches which has been gathered, prepared, and kept in the houses of the
potters for the purpose. The grass retains its form long after the
blaze and glow have ceased, and clings about the pile as a blanket,
checking the wasteful radiation of heat and cutting out the drafts of
air that would be disastrous to the heated clay. As this blanket of grass
finally gives way here and there the attending potters replenish it with
more bunches. The pile is fired about one hour; when sufficiently baked
the pots are lifted from the fire by inserting in each a long pole. Each
potter then takes a vessel at a time, places it red hot on its supporting
base on the earth before her, and immediately proceeds, with much care
and labor, to glaze the rim and in&ide of the bowl. The glaze is a
resin obtained in trade from Barlig. It is applied to the vessel from
the end of a glazing stick — sometimes a pole 6 or 7 feet long, but usually
about a yard in length. After the rim and inner surface of the bowl
have been thoroughly glazed the potter begins on another vessel —
turning the last one over to one or two little girls, from 4 to 6 years
of age, who find great happiness in smearing the outer surface of the
now cooling and dull-brown pot with resin held in bunches in the hands.
This outer glaze, applied by the young apprentices, who, in play, are
learning an art of their future womanhood, is neither so thick nor so
carefully laid as is the glaze of the rim and inner surface of the vessel.
When the glazing is completed the pot is still too hot to be borne in
the hands; however, the glaze has become rigid and hard.

Analyses made at the Bureau of Government Laboratories, Manila,
show that the clays used in the Samoki pots contain the following
mineral :

Analyses of Samoki pottery clays

Minerals.

Brown
clay

Blue

surface

clay

SUica

O^Me of ftliimlniiiTi

Percent
54.46
16.77

Percent
60.99
17.71
9.53
0.59
10.65
Trace

Ferric oxide of iron

11.14

Oxide of calcium

0.58
16.81
Trace
Trace

Loss by ignition

Oxide of magnesium

Oxide of potassium _„

Oxide of sodium

Trace
Trace

Carbon dioxide

The botanist of the Bureau of Government Laboratories^ says in the
report of his analysis of the resin used to glaze these pots :

This gum is known as Almaciga (Sp.). It is produced by some species of the
dipterocarpus or shorea — ^which, it is impossible to determine. * * * It should
not be confounded with the other common almaciga from the trees of the genus
Agathis.

I Mr. Elmer D. Merrill.

Digitized by

Google

JENK8] BASKET WORK 121

The (lovemment analyst^ who analyzed the clays and examined the
finished and glazed pots says of the SamoM pot that about two-thirds
of the organic matter in the clay is consumed in the baking or burning
of the pot. The organic matter in the middle one-third of the wall of
the pot is not consumed. The clay is a remarkably hard one and is
difficult of ignition; this is the reason it makes good cooking vessels.
He further says that the glaze is not a true glaze. It seems that the
resin does nothing except loose its oils when applied to the red-hot pots,
and there is left on the surface the unconsumed carbon.

, BASKET WORK

All basket work is done by the men. Much of the time when they
are in the f awi or pabafunan, gossiping and smoking, they are busied
making the ordinary and necessary utensils of the field and dwelling.
The basket work is all crude, with the possible exception of some of
the hats worn by the men.

As is brought forth later under the head of ^^Commerce/^ much
basket work is done by only one or two commxmities, and from them
passes in trade over a large area. Most of the basket work of the area
is of bejuco or bamboo. There are two varieties of bamboo used
in the area — a'-nis and fi'-ka. A^-nis is found in the area and fi^-ka
is brought in in trade from the southwest. ^

The most important piece of basket work i6 the ki-ma'-ta, the man^s
transportation basket, made of a'-nis bamboo; it is shown in PL CXX.
It is made by many pueblos, and is found throughout the area. It con-
sists of two baskets joined firmly to a light, wooden crossbar called
"pa'-tang." The entire ki-ma'-ta weighs about 5 pounds, and with it
the Igorot carries loads weighing as much as 100 pounds.

The man has another basket called "ko-chuk-kod','^ which is used
frequently by him, also sometimes by women, for carrying earth when
building the sementeras. The ko-chuk-kod' is made in Bontoc and
Samoki. It is not shown in any of the illustrations, but is quite similar
to the tay-ya-an', or large transportation basket of the woman, yet is
slimmer.' It is also similar in shape and size to the woman's transporta-
tion basket in Benguet which is worn on the back supported by a
headband.

The woman has two important a'-nis-bamboo transportation baskets,
which are constantly employed. One called "lu'-wa,'' the shallow lower
basket shown in PI. LXXV, is made only in Samoki; the other tay-
ya-an', shown in PL XCIII, holds about three pecks. It is made only
in Bontoc and Samoki.

Ag-ka-win' is the small rump basket almost invariably worn by women

»Mr. p. A. Thanisch.

Digitized by

Google

122 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.bubv.i

when working in the irrigated sementera. It is of fi'-ka bamboo^ is made
commonly in Bontoc and Samoki, and occasionally in Tulubin. The
field toiler often carries her lunch to the field in the ag-ka-win', and
when she returns the basket is usually filled with crustaceans and
moUusks picked up in the wet sementera or gathered in the river,
or with weeds or grasses to be cooked as "greens/'

The woman^s rain protector, a scoop-shaped affair about 4 feet long,
called "t^g-wi','' is said to be made only in Ambawan and Barlig. It
consists of a double weave of coarse splints, between which is a water-
proof layer of a large palm leaf. It is worn over the head, and is an
excellent protection from the rain. It may well have been suggested
to primitive man by the banana leaf, which I have repeatedly seen
carried over the head and back by the Igorot in many sections of north-
em Luzon during the rains. I have also seen it used many times in
Manila by Tagalog who were caught out in a storm without an umbrella.
The rain protector is shown lying in front of the house in PI. XXXVII.

Tak-o-chtig' is the man's dirt scoop made of a'-nis bamboo. It
resembles the tfig-wi' in shape, but is only about IJ feet long. It is
employed in handling earth, and conveying the dirt to the ko-chuk-kod',
or dirt transportation basket.

A basket very similar to tak-o-chtig', but called "s<ig-fi','' is employed
by the woman in her housework in handling vegetables. It is shown
in PL XCIV, containing camote parings.

The to'-pil is the man's "dinner paiL" It is made of a^-nis bamboo,
is a covered basket, and is constructed to contain from one and a half to
three quarts of solid food. In it men and boys carry their lunch to
the fields. All the pueblos make the to'-pil.

Another basket, called "sang'-i," is generally employed in carrying
the man's food. It is used for long trips from home, although I
have seen it used simply for carrying the field lunch. It is made of
bejuco in Ambawan, Barlig, and Tulubin, and passes widely in the
area through commerce. It is worn on the back, secured by bejuco
straps passing in front of the shoulders.

Fang'-ao is the sang'-i with a waterproof bejuco covering. As it
is worn on the back, the man appears to be wearing a cape made of
hanging vegetable threads. This is the basket commonly known as
the ^*head basket," but it is used for carrying food, blankets, anything,
on the trail. It is made in Ambawan, Barlig, and Kanjru, and is
found pretty well scattered throughout the area. It is shown, front
and back view, in PI. XCV.

Fa'-i si gang'-sa is an open-work bejuco basket, in shape very similar
to the sang'-i, used to carry the gang'-sa, or metal drum. It is worn
slung on the back as is the sang'-i.

A house basket holding about a peck, called "fa-lo'-ko," is made of
a'-nis bamboo. It is used in various capacities, for vegetables and

Digitized by

Google

JBMKB] MAKING WEAPONS 123

cereals, in and about the house. It is made in all the pueblos and is
shown in PL XCIV. A few other household baskets are often found.
Among these are the large, bottle-shaped locust basket, i-wiis^, a smaller
basket, ko'-lug, of the same shape used to hold threshed rice, and the
open-work spoon basket, so'-long, which usually hangs over the fireplace
in each dwelling.

The large winnowing tray, lig-o', shown bottom up in PL XCUI,
is made in Samoki and Kanyu of a'-nls bamboo. There are two sizes of
winnowing trays, both of which are employed everywhere in the area.

Several small a'-nis-bamboo eating trays, called "ki'-<ig,^' are shown
in PL XCIV. These food dishes are used on ceremonial occasions,
and some of them can not be purchased. They are made in all pueblos.

Samoki alone is said to make the rice siev^ called "A-ke/'^g. It
passes widely in the pueblo.

Aside from these various basket utensils and implements there are
the three kinds of fish traps described in the section on fishing.

There are also three varieties of basket-work hats. The rain hat,
called ^^s€g-fiV* is made in Bontop, and may be in imitation of those
worn nearer the western coast. This with the suk-lftng, the pocket
hat always worn by the men and boys, and the kuf-lao, or sleeping
hat^ worn by children and adults of both sexes, are described linder the
heed of "Clothing.^'

WEAPON PRODUCTION

Igorot weapons are few and relatively simple. The bow and arrow,
used wherever the Negrito is in Luzon, is not kilown to the Igorot
warrior of the Bontoc culture area. Small boys in Bontoc pueblo make
for themselves tiny bows IJ or 2 feet long with which they snap light
arrows a few feet. But the instrument is of the crudest, merely a toy,
and is a thing of the day, being acquired from the culture of the
Ilokano who live in the pueblo. The Igorot claim they never employed
the bow and arrow, and, to-day at least, consider the question as to
their ever using it as very foolish, since, they say, pointing to the
child^s toy, "It is nothing.'^

In 1666-1668 Friar Casimiro Diaz wrote of the Igorot that they used
arrows,^ but it is believed his statement did not apply to the Bontoc
man. Igorot-like people throughout northern Luzon commonly do not
have this weapon, yet the large Tinguian group of Abra, west and
north of Bontoc, and the Ibilao of southeastern Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva
Ecija, and adjacent Isabela employ the bow constantly.

The natural projectile weapon of the Negrito is the bow and arrow ;
that of the Malayan seems to be the blowgun — at present, however,
largely replaced by the spear, though in some southern islands, especially
in Paragua, it has held its own.

ilgorrotes, Estudio Qeogrftflco y Etnogr&flco sobre algunoe Dlstritoe del Norte de Luzon, by
R. P. Ft. Angel P^rez (Manila), 1902.

Digitized by

Google

124 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.subv.i

WOODEN WEAPONS

Shields are universally made and used by the Igorot. They are made
by the men of each pueblo, and are seldom bought or sold. They are
cut from single pieces of wood, and are generally constructed of very
light wood, though some are heavy. The hand grip is cut in the solid
timber, is almost invariably made for the left hand, and will usually
accommodate only three fingers — ^the thumb and little finger remaining
outside the grip and free to press forward the upper and lower ends
of the shield, respectively, slanting it to glance a blow of a spear.

Within the present boundary of Bontoc Province there are three
distinct patterns of wooden shields in use in three quite distinct culture
areas. There is still another shield immediately beyond the western
border of the province but which is believed to be produced also in the
Bontoc area.

First, is the shield of the Bontoc culture area. It is usually about 3
feet long and 1 foot wide, is blackened with a greasy soot, though now
and again one in original wood is seen. The upper part or "chiefs of the
shield is cut, leaving three points projecting several inches above the
solid field; the lower end or %ase" is cut, leaving two points. Across
both ends of the shield is a strengthening lace of bejuco, passing through
perforations from front to back. The front surface of the shield is
most prominent over the deep-cut hand grip at the boss or "fess point,'^
toward which a wing approaches on both the dexter and sinister sides of
the front of the shield, being carved slightly on the field. This is the
usual Bontoc shield, but some few have meaningless straight-line decora-
tions cut in the field.

In the Tinglayan culture area, immediately north of Bontoc, the
usual shield is very similar to the above, except that various sections
of both the face and back of the shield are of natural wood or are colored
dull red. The strengthening of bejuco lacings and the raised wings
are also found.

Still farther north is the Kalinga shield — a slim, gracefully formed
shield, differing from the typical Bontoc weapon chiefly in its more
graceful outline. It is of a uniform black color and has the bejuco
lacings the same as the others.

The fourth variety, made at Bagnen, immediately across the Bontoc
border, in Lepanto, and probably also made and certainly used near
at hand in Bontoc, is quite similar to the Bontoc type but is smaller
and cruder. It is uncolored, and on its front has crude drawings of
snakes and frogs (or perhaps men) drawn with soot paint.

Banawi area, south of the Bontoc area, has a shield differing mark-
edly from the others. It is longer, usually somewhat wider, and not cut .
at either end. The lower end is straight across at right angles to the
sides; the upper end rises to a very obtuse angle at the middle. The
front is usually much plainer than is that of the other shields mentioned.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS]

METAL WEAPONS 125

Throughout the Bontoc area there is a spear with a bamboo blade,
entirely a wooden weapon. The spear is employed in warfare, and is
losing its place only as iron becomes plentiful enough and cheap enough
to substitute for the bamboo blades or heads. Even in sections in which
iron spears are relatively common the wooden spear is used much in
warfare, since spears thrown at an enemy are frequently lost.

Sharp-pointed bamboo spikes are often stuck in the trails of war
parties when they are returning from some foray in which they have
been successful. These spikes are from about 6 inches in length, as
among the people of the Bontoc area, to 3 or more feet, as among
the Ibilao of southeastern Nueva Vizcaya. The latter people nightly
place these long spikes, called '^uk'-dun,^* in the trails leading to their
dwellings. They are placed at a considerable angle, and would impale
an intruder in the groin or upper thigh, inflicting a cruel and disabling
wound. The shorter spikes either cut through the bottom of the foot
or stab the instep or leg near the ankle. They are much dreaded, and,
though crude, are very effective weapons.

METAL WEAPONS

The metal spear blade or head is a product of Tgorot workmanship.
Baliwang, situated about six hours north of Bontoc, makes most of the
metal spear blades used in the Bontoc area. Sapao, located about a
day and a half to the south, makes excellent metal blades, but they
seldom reach the Bontoc cidture area, although blades of inferior pro-
duction from Sapao are found in Ambawan, the southernmost pueblo
of the area.

Baliwang has four smithies, in each of which two or three men labor,
each man in a smithy performing a separate part of the work. One
operates the bellows, another feeds the fire and does the heavy striking
during the initial part of the work, and the other — the real blade maker,
the artist— directs all the labor, and performs the finer and finishing
parts of the blade production.

The smithies are about 12 feet square without side walls. They have
a grass roof sloping to within 3 feet of the earth, enlarging the shaded
area to near 20 feet square. Near one side of the room is the bellows,
called ^^op-op^^^ consisting of two vertical, parallel wooden tubes about
5 feet long and 10 inches in diameter, standing side by side. Each
tube has a piston or plunger, called "dot-dot';" the packing ring of
the piston is of wood covered with chicken feathers, making it slightly
flexible at the rim, so it fits snugly in the tube. The lower end of the
bellows tubes rests in the earth, 4 inches above which a small bamboo
tube leads the compressed air to the fireplace from each bellows tube.
These small tubes, called "to-bong'," end near an opening through a
brick at the back of the fire, and the air forced through them passes
on through the brick to the burning charcoal. The outer end of the

Digitized by

Google

126

THE BONTOO IGOBOT

[■TH. susy. 1

to-bong' is cut at an angle^ and as the tubes end outside the opening
in the brick, the air inbreathed by the bellows, as the plungers are
raised, is drawn from back of the fireplace — ^thus the fire is not disturbed.

The fuel is an inferior charcoal prepared by the Igorot from pine.

This bellows is found throughout the Archipelago and is evidently a
Malayan product. It is believed that it came to Bontoc with the Igorot
from their earlier home and is not, as some say, a Chinese invention.^
The Igorot manufacturer of metal pipes uses exactly the same kind of
bellows, except that it is very much smaller, and so appears like a toy.
It is poorly shown in PL CIX.

Much of the iron now employed in the manufacture of Igorot weapons
is Chinese bar iron coming from China to the Islands at Candon, in
Ilokos Sur. However, the people readily make weapons from any iron
they may acquire, greatly preferring the scraps of broken Chinese cast-
iron pots, vessels purchased primarily for making sugar. In his choice
of cast iron the Igorot exhibits a practical knowledge of metallurgy,
since cast iron makes better steel thaii wrought iron — ^that is, as he has
to work.

fi-fl

Fio. S.— Ironsmith'B stone hammer.

The anvils of the smithy, numbering four or five, are large rocks set
solidly in the earth. The hammers are nearly all stone, though some
of the workmen have a small iron hammer used in finishing the weapons.

There are several varieties of stone hammers. One weighing about 30
pounds is 16 inches long, 10 inches wide, and from 4 to 6 inches thick.
An inch-deep groove is cut in both edges of the hammer, and into
these grooves the short, double wooden handle is attached by a withe.
Another hammer, similar to the above in shape and attachment, is about
one-third its size and weight. There is a still smaller hammer lashed

1 This typical Malayan bellows is also found in Slam, and is shown in a half tone from a photograph
facing page 186 of Maxwell Somervllle's Siam on the Melnam from the Gulf to Aynthia (London,
Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1897).

There is also a crude woodcut of this bellows printed as fig. 2. PI. XIV, In The Journal of
the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. xxii. With the Illustration is
the information that the bellows is found in Assam, Salwin, Sumatra, Java, Philippines, and
Madagascar.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

SPEARS 127

with leather bands to a single, straight wooden handle; and there is
also a round hammer stone about 3 inches in diameter without handle
or attachment, which hammer, together with the larger one last men-
tioned, is largely superseded in some of the smithies by the metal
hammer.

The bellows operator sits squatting on a slight platform the height
of the bellows, and constantly works the plungers up and down with
rhythmic strokes.

Two men at first handle the hot iron — one, the real blade maker, holds
the white-hot metal with long-handled iron pinchers (purchased in
Candon) and his helper wields the 30-pound hammer. He stands with
legs well apart, grasps the heavy hammer with both hands, and swings
it back and forth between his legs. The blow is struck at the downward,
backward swing.

These smiths weld iron, and also temper it to make steel. The follow-
ing detailed picture of a welding observed in a Baliwang smithy may be
duplicated there any day. The two pieces of iron to be welded were
separately heated a dull red. One was then laid on the other and both
were cooled with water. Wet earth, gathered for the occasion at the
side of the smithy, was then put over them; while still covered they
were inserted again in the fire. When red-hot they were withdrawn,
the little mound of earth covering the two pieces of iron being still in
place but having been brought also to a red heat. A few light blows
fell on the red mass, and it was again returned to the fire. Four times
the iron was withdrawn and received a few blows with a light hammer
wielded by the master smith. On being withdrawn the fifth time half
a dozen blows were struck by the helper with the 30-pound hammer.
Again the iron was heated, but when removed the sixth time the yelding
was evidently considered finished, as the shaping of the weapon was
then begun. Weldings made by these smiths seem to be complete.

The tempering done by the Igorot is crude, and is such as may be
«een in any country blacksmith shop in the States. The iron is heated
and is tempered by cooling in a small wooden trough of water. There
is great difference in the quality of the steel turned out by the Igorot,
even by the same man, though some men are recognized as more skillful
than others.

There are four styles of spear blades made by Baliwang. The one
most common is called "fal-fgg'.** It is a simple, single-barbed blade,
and ranges from 2 inches to 6 inches in length. This style of blade
is the most used in warfare, and the smaller, lighter blades are con-
sidered better for this purpose than the heavier ones.

The f ang'-kao, or barbless lance blade, is next common in use. It is
not a war blade, but is used almost entirely in killing carabaos and hogs.
There is one notable exception to this statement — Ambawan has almost

Digitized by

Google

128 THE BONTOO IGOROT [■th.subv.i

no other class of spear. These blades range from 4 to 12 or 14 inches
in length.

The other two blades, si-na-la-wi'-tan and kay-yan', are relatively
rare. The former is quite similar to the fal-fSg', except that instead
of the single pair of barbs there are other barbs — say, from one to
ten pairs. This spear is not considered at all serviceable as a hunting
spear, and is not used in war as much as is the fal-fSg'. It is prized
highly as an anito scarer. When a man passes alone in the mountains
anitd are very prone to walk with him; however, if the traveler carries
a si-na-la-wi'-tan, anito will not molest him, since they are afraid when
they see the formidable array of b^rbs.

Kay-yan' is a gracefully formed blade not used in hunting, and
employed less in war than is si-na-la-wi'-tan. Though the Igorot
has almost nothing in his culture for purely aesthetic purposes, yet
he ascribes no purpose for the kay-yan' — he says it looks pretty; but
I have seen it carried to war by war parties.

The pueblo of Sapao makes superior-looking steel weapons, though
many Igorot claim the steel of the Baliwang spear is better than that
from Sapao. In Quiangan I saw a fang'-kao, or lance-shaped blade
made in Sapao, having six faces on each side. The five lines separating
the faces ran from the tang to the point of the blade, and were as
regular and perfect as though machine made. The best class of Sapao
blades is readily distinguishable by its regular lines and the smooth
and perfect surface finish.

All spearheads are fastened to the wooden shaft by a short haft or
tang inserted in the wood. An iron ferrule or a braided bejuco ferrule
is employed to strengthen the shaft where the tang is inserted. A
conical iron ferrule or cap is also placed on the butt of the shaft. This
ferrule is often used, as the spear is always stuck in^the earth close at
hand when the warrior works any distance from home ; and as he passes
along the steep mountain trails or carries heavy burdens he conmionly
uses the spear shaft as a staff.

The spear shafts are made by the owner of the weapon, it not being
customary for anyone to produce them for sale. Some of them are
rather attractively decorated with brass and copper studs, and a few have
red and yellow bejuco ferrules near the blade. In some pueblos of the
Bontoc area, as at Mayinit, spear shafts are worked down and eventually
smoothed and finished by a flexible, bamboo knife-blade machine. It
consists of about a dozen blades 8 or 10 -mcheB in length, fastened
together side by side with string. The blades lie one overlapping the
other like the slats of an American window shutter. Each projecting
blade is sharpened to a chisel edge. The machine is grasped in the
hand, as shown in fig. 6, and is slid up and down the shaft with a
slight twisting movement obtained by bending the wrist. The machine
becomes a flexible, many-bladed plane.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
a.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
2

Z
UJ

>
X
X
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

rh«»t() by Martin.

PiATE CXX. MAN'S TRANSPORTATION BASKET (KI-MA'-TA).

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'Imto by Martin.

Plate CXXI. WOMAN'S TRANSPORTATION BASKETS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

ce
ui

X
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photos l»y .li'iiks.
PiATE CXXIII. (a) TULUBIN MEN BRINGING HOME SALT: (6) SAMOKI POTTERS WITH WARE.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

h
UJ

Z
I-

<
>

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo bv Mnrtin.

Plate CXXV. A BA'-8I VENDER.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

IMioto by Martin.

Plate CXXVI. MAK'-LAN, A BONTOC WARRIOR.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Worcester.

Plate CXXVII. KO'-mIs ON WAR TRAIL BETWEEN SAMOKI AND TULUBIN.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.
Plate LXXXVIII. TRANSPORTING CLAY FROM THE PIT TO THE PUEBLO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photos by Jenks.
PlATE LXXXIX. (a) MACERATING THE CLAYS IN A WOODEN MORTAR; (6) BEGINNING A POT.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

u.
O

z
I-

<
z

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-

o
z
<

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo bv .lenks.

PlATE XCII. 8MCX5THINQ AND FINISHING A SUN-DRIED POT.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I
o

I-

Z
<

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

METHOD OP MAKING SPEAR HANDLES

129

Baliwang alone makes the genuine Bontoe battle-ax. It is a strong,
serviceable blade of good temper, and is hafted to a short, strong, straight
wooden handle which is strengthened by a ferrule of iron or braided
bejuco. The ax has a slender point opposed to the bit or cutting edge
of the blade. This point is often thrust in the earth and the upturned
blade used as a stationary knife, on which the Igorot cuts meats and
other substances by drawing them lengthwise along the sharp edge. The
bit of the ax is at a small angle with the front and back edges of the
blade, and is nearly a straight line. The axes are kept keen and sharp
by whetstones collected and preserved solely for the purpose. Besao,
near Sagada, quarries and barters a good grade of whetstone.

Fig. 6.— Bamboo 8pear-«haft dresser.

A slender, long-handled battle-ax now and then comes into the area
in trade from the north. Balbelasan, of old Abra Province, but now
in the northern part of extended Bontoe Province, is one of the pueblos
which produce this beautiful ax. The blade is longer and very much
slimmer than the Bontoe blade, but its marked distinguishing feature
is the shape of the cutting edge. The blade is ground on two straight
lines joined together by a short curved line, giving the edge the striking
form of the beak of a rapacious bird. The slender, graceful handle,
always fitted with a long iron ferrule, has a process on the under side
near the middle. The handle is also usually fitted with a decorated
15223 9

Digitized by

Google

130 THE BONTOC IGOBOT [bth.subv.i

metal ferrule at the tip and frequently is decorated for its full length
with bands of brass or tin, or with sheets of either metal artistically
incised.

The Balbelasan ax is not used by the pueblos making it, or at least
by many of them, but finds its field of usefulness east and northeast of
Bontoc pueblo as far as the foothills of the mountains west of the Rio
Grande de Cagayan. I was told by the Kalinga of this latter region
that the people in the mountain close to the Cagayan in the vicinity of
Cabagan Nuevo, Isabela Province, also use this ax.

In the southern and western part of the Bontoc area the battle-ax
shares place with the bolo, the sole hand weapon of the Igorot of adjoin-
ing Lepanto, Benguet, and Nueva Vizcaya Provinces.

The bolo within the Bontoc area comes from Sapao and from the Ilo-
kano people of the west coast. The southern pueblo in the Bontoa area,
Ambawan, uses the bolo of Sapao to the entire exclusion of the battle-ax.
Tulubin, the next pueblo to Ambawan, and only an hour from it, uses
almost solely the Baliwang battle-ax. Such pueblos as Titipan and
Antedao, about three hours west of Bontoc, use both the ax and bolo,
while the pueblos further west, as Agawa, Sagada, Balili, Alap, etc.,
use the bolo exclusively — frequently an Ilokano weapon.

The Sapao bolo is, in appearance, superior to that of Ilokano manu-
facture. It is a broad blade swelling markedly toward the center, and
is somewhat similar in shape to the barong of the Sulu Moro of the
Sulu Archipelago. This weapon finds its chief field of use in the
Quiangan and Banawi areas. In these districts the bolo is fitted with
an open scabbard, and the bright blade presents a novel appearance
lying exposed against the red scabbard. The Igorot manufacturer of
the bolo does not make the scabbard, and most of the bolos used within
the Bontoc area are sheathed in the closed wooden scabbard commonly
found in Lepanto and Benguet.

PIPE PBODUCTION, AND SMOKING

The Igorot of Bontoc area make pipes of wood, clay, and metal.
All their pipes have small bores and bowls. In Benguet a wooden pipe
is commonly made with a bowl an inch and a half in diameter; it has
a large bore also. In Banawi I obtained a wooden pipe with a bowl 8J
inches in circimiference and 4 inches in height, but having a bore averag-
ing only half an inch in diameter.

Nearly all pueblos make the pipes they use, but pipes of clay and metal
are manufactured by the Igorot for Igorot trade. I never learned that
wooden pipes are made by them for commercial purposes.

The wooden pipe of the area varies from simple tubular forms, exactly
like a modem cigar holder, to those having bowls set at right angle
to the stem. All wooden pipes are whittled by the men, and some of

Digitized by

Google

JBNKfl] PIPE MAKING 131

them are very graceful in form and have an excellent polish. They are
made of at least three kinds of wood — ga-sa'-tan, la-no'-ti, and gi-gat'.
Most pipes — wooden, clay, or metal — ^have separable stems.

A few men in Agawa, a pueblo near the western border of the area,
make beautiful clay pipes, called ^Tfi-na-lo'-sab." The clay is carefully
macerated between the fingers until it is soft and fine. It is then
roughly shaped by the fingers, and afterwards, when partially hard'^ned,
is finished with a set of five light, wooden tools.

The finished bowls are in three different colors. When baked about
nine hours the pipes come forth gray. Those coming out red have been
burned about twelve hours, usually all night. The black ones are made
by rebuming the red bowls about half an hour in palay straw.

Two men in Sabangan and one each in Genugan and Takong — all
western pueblos — ^manufacture metal "anito" pipes. To-day brass wire
and the metal of cartridge shells are most commonly employed in making
these pipes.

The process of manufacture is elaborate and very interesting. First
a beeswax model is made the exact size and shape of the finished metal
pipe. All beeswax, called "a-t!d','' used in pipe making comes from
Barlig through Kanu, and the illustration (PI. CVIII) shows the form
in which it passes in commerce in the area. A small amount of wax
is softened by a fire until it can be flattened in the palm of the hand.
It is then rolled around a stick the size of the bore in the bowl. The
outside of the wax bowl is next designed as is shown in the illustration
(PI. CVIII). A careful examination of the illustration will show that
the design represents the sitting figure of a man. He is resting his
elbows on his knees and holding his lower jaw in his hands — eyes,
ears, nose, mouth, and fingers are all represented. This design is made
in the wax with a small knife. The wax for the short stem piece is
flattened and folded around a stick the size of the bore of the stem.
The stem piece is then set into the bowl and the design which was
started on the bowl is continued over the stem.

When the wax pipe is completed a projecting point of wax is attached
to the base of the pipe, and the whole is imbedded in a clay jacket, the
point of wax, however, projecting from the jacket. The clay used by
the pipe maker is obtained in a pit at Pingad in the vicinity of Genugan.
Around the wax point a clay funnel is built. The clay mold, called
^^ang-bang'-a,'* is thoroughly baked by a flre. In less than an hour
the mold is hardened and brown, and the wax pipe within it has melted
and the wax been poured out of the mold through the gate or opening
left by the melting point of wax, leaving the mold empty.

A small Malayan bellows, called '^op-op'','* the exact duplicate in
miniature of the double tubular bellows described in the preceding
section on "metal weapons," furnishes the draught for a small charcoal

Digitized by

Google

132

THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. subv. i

fire. The funnel of the clay mold is filled with pieces of metal, and
the entire thing is buried in the fired charcoal. In fifteen minutes the
metal melts and runs down through the gate at the bottom of the
funnel into the hollow, wax-lined mold. Since the entire mold is hot,
the metal does not cool or harden promptly, and the pipe maker taps
and jars the mold in order to make the metal penetrate and fill
every part.

The mold is set aside to cool and is then broken away from the
metal core. To-day the pipe maker possesses a file with which to smooth
and clean the crude pipe. Formerly all that labor, and it is extensive,
was performed with stones.

It requires two men to make the ^^anito'^ pipes — ^tin-ak-ta'-go. One
superintends all the work and performs the finest of it, and the second
pumps the bellows and smooths and cleans the pipe after it is cast.
The two men make four pipes per day, but the purchaser of an "ariito'^
pipe puts days of toil on the metal, smoothing and perfecting it by
cleaning and digging out the design until it becomes really a beautifid bit
of primitive art.

When a pueblo wants a few tin-ak-ta'-go it sends for the manufacturer,
and he comes to the pueblo with his helper and remains as long as
necessary. Ay-o'-na, of Grenugan, annually visits Titipan, Ankiling,
Sagada, Bontoc, and Samoki. He usually furnishes all material, and
receives a peseta for each pipe, but the pueblo furnishes the food. In
this way a pipe maker is a journeyman about half the year.

Tukukan makes a smooth, cast-metal pipe, called ^'pin-e-po-yong',"

and Baliwang makes tubular iron pipes at her smithies. They are

hammered out and pounded and welded over a core. I have /^e^

' several of such excellent workmanship that the welded seam coijjd -Hot

be detected on the surface. • xm^^^ -

In the western part of the area both men and womerf smoke, and some
smoke almost constantly. Throughout the areas occupied by Chris-
tians children of 6 or 7 years smoke a great deal. I have repeatedly
seen girls not over 6 years of age smoking rolls of tobacco, "cigars,'^ a
foot long and more than an inch in diameter, but in Bontoc area small
children do not smoke. In most of the area women do not smoke at
all, and boys seldom smoke until they reach maturity.

In Bontoc the tobacco leaf for smoking is rolled up and pinched off
in small sections an inch or so in length. These pieces are then wrapped
in a larger section of leaf. When finished for the pipe the tobacco
resembles a short stub of a cigar. Only half a dozen whiffs are generally
taken at a smoke, and the pipe with its tobacco is then tucked under the
edge of the pocket hat. Four pipes in five as they are seen sticking
from a man's hat show that the owners stopped smoking long before
they exhausted their pipes.

Digitized by

Google

JSNK8] METHOD OF MAKING FIRE 133

FIBE l£AKma

The oldest instrument for fire making used by the Bontoc Igorot
is now seldom found. However, practically all boys of a dozen years
know how to make and use it.

It is called "co-li'-li/' and is a friction machine made of two pieces
of dry bamboo. A 2-foot section of dead and dry bamboo is split length-
wise and in one piece a small area of the stringy tissue lining the tube
is splintered and picked quite loose. Immediately over this, on the
outside of the tube, a narrow groove is cut at right angles to it. This
piece of bamboo becomes the stationary lower part of the fire machine.
One edge of the other half of the original tube is sharpened like a
chisel blade. This section is grasped in both hands, one at each end,
and is at first slowly and heavily, afterwards more rapidly, drawn back
and forth through the groove of the stationary bamboo, making a small
conical pile of dry dust beneath the opening.

After a dozen strokes the sides of the groove and the edge of the
friction piece burn brown, presently a smell of smoke is plain, and
before three dozen strokes have been made smoke may be seen. Usually
before one hundred strokes a larger volume of smoke teUs that the
dry dust constantly falling on the pile has grown more and more charred
imtil finally a tiny friction-fired particle falls, carrying combustion to
the already heated dust cone.

The machine is carefully raised, and, if the fire is permanently
kindled, the pinch of smoldering dust is inserted in a wisp of dry grass
or other easily inflammable material; in a minute or two flames burst
forth, and the fire may be transferred where desired.

The pal-ting', the world-wide flint and steel-percussion fire machine,
is found with all Bontoc men.

At Sagada there is a ledge of exposed and crumbling rock from
which most of the men of the western part of the Bontoc culture area
obtain their "flint." The "steel" is any piece of iron which may be
had — probably a part of the ferrule from the butt of a spear shaft is
used more than is any other one kind of iron.

The pal-ting' is secured either in a very small basket or a leather
roll which is fastened closed by a string. In this receptacle a small
amount of dry tree cotton is also carried. The pal-ting' receptacle is
carried about in the large bag hanging at the girdle.

Fire is made by a tiny percussion-heated particle of the stone as it
flies away under the sharp, glancing blow of the "steel" and catches in
the dry cotton held by the thumb nail on the upper surface of the stone.

If the fire maker wishes to light his pipe, he tucks the smoldering
cotton lightly into his roll of tobacco; a few draws are sufficient to
ignite the pipeful. If an out-of-door fire is desired the cotton is first
used to ignite a dry bunch of grass. Should the fire be needed in the

Digitized by

Google

134 THE BONTOC IGOROT Cbth.8uiiv.i

dwelling, the cotton is placed on charcoal. Blowing and care will pro-
duce a good, blazing wood fire in a few minutes.

To-day friction matches are known throughout the area, although
probably not one person in one hundred has ever owned a box of matches.

The fire syringe, common west of Bontoc Province among the
Tinguian, is not known in the Bontoc culture area.

DIVISION OF LABOR

Under this title must be grouped all forms of occupations which
are considered necessary to the life of the pueblo.

Up to the age of 6 or 6 years Bontoc children do not work. As has
been said in a previous chapter, during the months of April and May
many little girls from 5 to 10 work and play together for long hours
daily gathering a few varieties of wild plants close about the pueblo
for food for the pigs. This labor is unnecessary as soon as the camote
vines become large enough for gathering. During June and July these
same girls gather the camote vines for pig food. About August this
labor falls to the women.

Mention has also been made of the fact that during the latter half
of April and May the boys and girls of all ages from 6 or 7 years to
13 or 14 guard the palay sementeras against the birds from earliest
dawn till heavy twilight.

Little girls often help about the dwelling by paring camotes for the
forthcoming meal.

At all times the elder children, both boys and girls, are baby tenders
while their parents work.

Man is the sole hunter and warrior, and he alone fishes when traps or
snares are employed.

Only men go to the mountains to cut and bring home firewood and
lumber for building purposes; widowed women sometimes bring home
dead fallen wood found along the trails. Only men construct the
various private and public buildings. They alone build the stone dikes
of the sementeras and construct the irrigating ditches and dams; they
transport to the pueblo most of the harvested palay. They manufacture
and vend basi, and prepare the salted meats. They make all weapons,
and all implements and utensils for field and household labors.
Contrary to a widespread custom among primitive people, as has been
noted, the Igorot man constructs all basket work, whether hats, baskets,
trays, or ornaments, and bindings of weapons and implements. Men
are the workers of all metal and stone. They are the only cargadors,
though in the Kiapa area of Benguet Province women sometimes go on
the trails as paid burden bearers for Americans.

Only men are said to tattoo and circumcise. They determine the days
of rest and of ceremony for the pueblo, and all pueblo ceremonies are in

Digitized by

Google

jBNxs] DIVISION OF LABOR 135

their hands; so also are the ceremonies of the ato — only men are
"priests," except for private household ceremonials.

Men constitute the "control element'' of the pueblo. They are the
legislative, executive, and judicial power for the pueblo and each ato;
they are considered the wisdom of their people, and they alone, it is said,
give public advice on important matters.

The woman is the only weaver of fabrics and the only spinner of the
materials of which the fabrics are made. On the west coast the Ilokano
men do a great deal of the spinning, but the Igorot man has not imitated
them in the industry, though he has often seen them. Women are the
sole potters of Samoki, and they alone transport and vend their wares
to other pueblos. In the Mayinit salt industry only the woman tends
the salt house, gathering the crude salt solution.

Only the women plant the rice seed, and they, alone transplant the
palay; they also care for the growing plants and harvest most of the
crops. In the transplanting and harvesting of palay the woman is
given credit for greater dexterity than the man ; men harvest palay only
when sufficient women can not be found. Women plant, care for,
harvest, and transport to the pueblo all camotes, millet, maize, and
beans.

The men and women together construct and repair irrigated semen-
teras, men usually digging the earth while the women transport it.
Together they prepare the soil of irrigated sementeras, and carry manure
to them from the pigpens. Men at times do the women's work in
harvesting, and women sometimes assist the men to carry the harvest
to the pueblo. Either threshes out and hulls the rice, though the woman
does more than half this work. Both prepare foods for cooking, cook
the meals, and se^e them. Both bring water from the river for house-
hold uses, though the woman brings the greater part. Each tends the
babe while the other works in the field. Both care for the chickens and
pigs, even to cooking the food for the latter. Men and women catch
fish by hand in the river, manufacture tapui, and in the salt industry
both evaporate the salt solution and vend the salt.

In the treatment of the sick and the driving out of afflicting anito,
men and women alike serve.

Little work is demanded of the old people, though the labors they
perform are of great value to the pueblo, as the strong are thus given
more time for a vigorous industrial life.

Great service is rendered the pueblo by the councils of the old men,
and they are the "priests" of all ceremonials, except those of the house-
hold.

The old men do practically nothing at manual labor in the field.
However, numbers of old men and women guard the palay sementeras
from the birds, and they frequently tend their grandchildren about the
pueblo. They also bring water from the river to the dwelling.

Digitized by

Google

136 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. surv. i

Old women seem generally busy. They prepare and cook foods^ and
they spin materials for women's skirts and girdles. The blind women
share in these labors, even going to the river for water.

By labor of the group is meant the common effort of two or more
people whose everyday possessions and accumulations are not in common,
as they are in a family, to perform some definite labor which can be
better done by such effort than by the separate labors of the several
members of the group.

A pueblo war probably represents the largest necessary group-occupa-
tion, because at such time all available warriors unite in a concerted
effort. Next to this, though possibly coming before it, is the group
assembled for the erection of a dwelling. As has been noted, all dwell-
ings are built by a group, and when a rich man's domicile is to be put
up a great many people assemble — ^the men to erect the dwelling, and
the women to prepare and cook the food. A great deal of agricultural
labor is performed by the group. New irrigation ditches are built by,
or at the instance of, all those who will benefit by them. The dam
built annually across the river at Bontoc pueblo is constructed by all,
or at the instance of all, who benefit from the additional irrigation
water. Wild carabaos are hunted by a group of men, and the domestic
carabaos can be caught only when several men surround and attack them.

All interpueblo commerce is carried on by a group of people. Almost
never does a person pass from one pueblo to another alone, and commerce
is the chief thing which causes the interpueblo communication. These
groups of traveling merchants consist of from two or three persons to a
dozen or more — as in the case of the Samoki pottery sellers.

WAGES, AND EXCHANGE OF LABOR

The woman receives the same wage as the man. There are two
reasons why she should. First, all labor is by the day, so the facts of
sickness and maternity never keep the woman from her labor when
she is expected and is depended on; and, second, she is as eflScient in
the labors she performs as is the man — in some she is recognized more
eflBcient. She does as much work as man, and does it as well or better.
It is worth so much to have a certain work done in a particular time,
and the Igorot pays the wage to whomever does the work. The growing
boy or girl who performs the same labors as an adult receives an equal
wage.

Not only do the people work by the day, but they are paid daily also.
Every night the laborer goes to the dwelling of his employer and receives
the wage; the wages of immarried children are paid to their parents.

To all classes of laborers dinner and sometimes supper is supplied.
For weeding and thinning the sementeras of young palay and for
watching the fruiting palay to drive away the birds, the only wage is

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] DISTRIBUTION OP PRODUCTS OP LABOR 137

these two meals. But this labor is light, and frightening away the
birds is usually the work of children or very old people who can not
perform hard labors. In all classes of work for which only food is
given, much time is left to the laborers in which the men may weave
their basket work and the women spin the bark-fiber thread for skirts.

Five manojos of palay is the daily wage for all laborers except those
mentioned in the last paragraph. This is the wage of the wood gatherer
in the mountains, of the builder of granaries, sementeras, irrigating
ditches, and dikes, and of those who prepare soils and who plant and
harvest crops.

There is much exchange of labor between individuals, and even
between large groups of people, such as members of an ato. Formerly
exchange of labor was practiced slightly more than at present, but to-day,
as has been noted, all dwellings are built by the unpaid labor of those
who come for the accompanying feast and "good time,^' and because
their own dwellings were or will be built by such labor. A great deal
of agricultural labor is now paid for in kind ; practically all the available
labor in an ato turns out to help a member when a piece of work is
urgent. However, it is not customary for poor people to exchange their
labor, since they constantly need food for those dependent on them.
When the poor man desires a wage for his toil he needs only to tell some
rich person that he wishes to work for him — ^both understand that a
wage will be paid.

DISTRIBUTION

By the term "distribution'^ is here meant the ordinary division of the
productions of Bontoc area among the several classes of Igorot in the
area — in other words, what is each person's share of that which the area
produces?

It must be said 'that distribution is very equitable. Wages are
imiform. No man or set of men habitually spoils another's accumula-
tions by exacting from him a tax or "rake off.^^ There is no form
of gambling or winning another's earnings. There are no slaves or
others who labor without wages; children do not retain their own wages
until they marry, but they inherit all their parents' possessions. There
is almost no usury. There is no indigent class, and the rich men toil
as industriously in the fields as do the poor — ^though I must say I
never knew a rich man to go as cargador on the trail.

THEFT

Higher forms of society, even such society as the Christianized
Filipinos of the coastal cities, produce and possess a considerable num-
ber of people who live and often raise families on personal property
stolen and carried away from the lawful owners. Almost no thief in

Digitized by

Google

138 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

the Bontoc area escapes detection — ^the society is too simple for him to
escape — and when he is apprehended he restores more than he took
away. There is no opportunity for a thief class to develop, consequently
there is no chance for theft to distort the usual equitable division of
products.

CONQUEST

Conquest, or the act of gaining control and acquisition of another's
property by force of arms, is not operative in the Bontoc area. Moro
and perhaps other southern Malayan people frequently capture people
by conquest whom tkey enslave, and they also bring back much valuable
loot in the shape of metals and the much-prized large earthen jars.

Certain Igorot, as those of Asin, make forcible conquests on their
neighbors and carry away persons for slavery. Asin made a raid west-
ward into Suyak of Lepanto Province in 1900, and some American
miners joined the expedition of natives to try to recover the captives.
But Bontoc has no such conquests, and, since the people have long ago
ceased migration, there is no conquest of territory. In their interpueblo
warfare loot is seldom carried away. There is practically nothing in the
form of movable and easily controlled valuable possessions, such as
domestic cattle, horses, or carabaos, so the usual equilibrium of Bontoc
property distribution has little to disturb it.

The primitive agriculturist is thought of in history as the victim of
warlike neighbors who make predatory forays against him, repeatedly
robbing him of his hard-earned accumulations. In Igorot land this is
not the case. There are no savage or barbaric people, except the Negritos
who are not agriculturists. Sometimes, however, some of the Igorot
groups descend to the settlements of the Christians in the lowlands and
in the night bring back a few carabaos and hogs. The Igorot of Quiangan
are noted for such robberies made on the pueblos of Bagabag and Ibung
to the south in central Nueva Vizcaya. Sometimes, also, one Igorot
group speaks of another as Busol, or enemy, and says the Busol come to
rob them in the night. I believe, however, from inquiries made, that
relatively very small amounts of property pass from one Igorot group
to another by robbery or conquest.

The Bontoc Igorot appears to be in a transition stage, not usually
emphasized, between the communism of the savage or barbarian in which
each person is said to have a share as long as necessities last, and the
more advanced forms of society in which many classes are able to divert
to their own advantage much which otherwise would not come to them.
The Igorot is not a communist, neither in any sense does he get the
monopolist's share. He is living a life of such natural production that
he enjoys the fruits of his labors in a fairer way than do many of the
men beneath him or above him in culture.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION OF FOODS 139

CONSUMPTION

Under this title will be considered simply the foods and beverages of
the people. No attempt will be made to treat of consumption in its
breadth as it appears to the economist.

FOODS

There are few forms of animal life about the Igorot that he will not
and does not eat. The exceptions are mainly insectivora, and such larger
animals as the mythology of the Igorot says were once men — as the
monkey, serpent-eagle, crow, snake, etc. However, he is not wholly
lacking in taste and preference in his foods. Of his common vegetable
foods he frequently said he prefers, first, beans; second, rice; third, maize;
fourth, camotes; fifth, millet.

Eice is the staple food, and most families have suflBcient for subsistence
during the year. When rice is needed for food bunches of the palay,
as tied up at the harvest, are brought and laid in the small pocket of
the wooden mortar where they are threshed out of the fruit head. One
or two mortarsf ul is thus threshed and put aside on a winnowing tray.
When sufficient has been obtained the grain is put again in the mortar
and pounded to remove the pellicle. Usually only sufficient rice is
threshed and cleaned for the consumption of one or two days. When
the pellicle has been pounded loose the grain is winnowed on a large
round tray by a series of dexterous movements, removing all chaff and
dirt with scarcely the loss of a kernel of good rice.

The work of threshing, hulling, and winnowing usually falls to the
women and girls, but is sometimes performed by the men when their
women are preoccupied. At one time when an American wished two
or three bushels of palay threshed, as horse food for the trail, three
Bontoc men performed the work in the classic treadmill manner. They
spread a mat on the earth, covered it with palay, and then tread, or
rather "rubbed,^' out the kernels with their bare feet. They often
scraped up the mass with their feet, bunching it and rubbing it in a
way that strongly suggested hands.

Bice is cooked in water without salt. An earthem pot is half filled
with the grain and is then filled to the brim with cold water. In about
twenty minutes the rice is cooked, filling the vessel, and the water is all
absorbed or evaporated. If there is no great haste, the rice sets ten or
fifteen minutes longer while the kernels dry out somewhat. As the
Igorot cooks rice, or, for that matter, as the native anywhere in the
Islands cooks it, the grains are not mashed and mussed together, but
each kernel remains whole and separate from the others.

Cooked rice, ma-kan', is almost always eaten with the fingers, being
crowded into the mouth with the back of the thumb. In Bontoc,

Digitized by

Google

140 THE BONTOC lOOROT [bth. subv. i

Samoki, Titipan, Mayinit, and Ganang salt is either sprinkled on the
rice after it is dished out or is tasted from the finga: tips during the
eating. In some pueblos, as at Tulubin, almost no salt is eaten at any
time. When rice alone is eaten at a meal a family of five adults eats
about ten Bontoe manojo of rice per day.

Beans are cooked in the form of a thick soup, but without salt.
Beans and rice, each cooked separately, are frequently eaten together;
such a dish is called "sib-fan'.^' Salt is eaten with sIb-fan' by those
pueblos which commonly consume salt.

Maize is husked, silked, and then cooked on the cob. It is eaten
from the cob, and no salt is used either in the cooking or eating.

Camotes are eaten raw a great deal about the pueblo, the sementera,
and the trail. Before they are cooked they are pared and generally
cut in pieces about 2 inches long; they are boiled without salt. They
are eaten alone at many meals, but are relished best when eaten with
rice. They are always eaten from the fingers.

One dish, called ^Oce-le'-ke,^^ consists of camotes, pared and sliced, and
cooked and eaten with rice. This is a ceremonial dish, and is always
prepared at the lis-lis ceremony and at a-su-fal'-i-wis or sugar-making
time.

Camotes are always prepared immediately before being cooked, as they
blacken very quickly after paring. *

Millet is stored in the harvest bunches, and must be threshed before
it is eaten. After being threshed in the wooden mortar the winnowed
seeds are again returned to the mortar and crushed. This crushed grain
is cooked as is rice and without salt. It is eaten also with the hands —
"fingers" is too delicate a term.

Some other vegetable foods are also cooked and eaten by the Igorot.
Among them is taro which, however, is seldom grown in the Bontoe area.
Outside the area, both north and south, there are large sementeras of
it cultivated for food. Several wild plants are also gathered, and the
leaves cooked and eaten as the American eats "greens."

The Bontoe Igorot also has preferences among his regular flesh foods.
The chicken is prized most; next he favors pork; third, fish; fourth,
carabao; and fifth, dog. Chicken, pork (except wild hog), and .dog
are never eaten except ceremonially. Pish and carabao are eaten on
ceremonial occasions, but are also eaten at other times — ^merely a3 food.

The interesting ceremonial killing, dressing, and eating of chickens
is presented elsewhere, in the sections on "Death" and "Ceremonials."
It is unnecessary to repeat the information here, as the processes are
everywhere the same, excepting that generally no part of the fowl,
except the feathers, is unconsumed — ^head, feet, intestines, everything,
is devoured.

The hog is ceremonially killed by cutting its throat, not by "sticking,"

Digitized by

Google

JENK8] PEEPARATION AND CONSUMPTION OF FOODS 141

as is the American custom, but the neck is cut, half severing the head.
At Ambuklao, on the Agno Kiver in Benguet Province, I saw a hog
ceremonially killed by having a round-pointed stick an inch in diameter
pushed and twisted into it from the right side behind the foreleg,
through and between the ribs, and into the heart. The animal bled inter-
nally, and, while it was being cut up by four men with much ceremony
and show, the blood was scooped from the rib basin where it had
gathered, and was mixed with the animaFs brains. The intestines were
then emptied by drawing between thumb and fingers, and the blood
and brain mixture poured into them from the stomach as a funnel. A
string of blood-and-brain sausages resulted, when the intestines were
cooked. The mouth of the Bontoc hog is held or tied shut until the
animal is dead. The Benguet hog could be heard for fifteen minutes
at least a quarter of a mile.

After the Bontoc hog is killed it is singed, cut up, and all put in the
large shallow iron boiler. When cooked it is cut into smaller pieces,
which are passed around to those assembled at the ceremonial.

Pish are eaten both ceremonially and privately whenever they may
be obtained. The small fish, the kacho, are in no way cleaned or
dressed. Two or three times I saw them cooked and eaten ceremonially,
and was told they are prepared the same way for private consumption.
The fish, scarcely any over 2 inchesi in length, were strung on twisted
green-grass strings about 6 inches in length. Several of these strings
were tied together and placed in an oUa of water. When cooked they
were lifted out, the strings broken apart, and the fish stripped off into
a wooden bowl. Salt was then liberally strewn over them. A large
green leaf was brought as a plate for each person present, and the fish
were divided again and again until each had an equal share. However,
the old men present received double share, and were served before the
others. At one time a man was present with a nursing babe in his arms,
and he was given two leaves, or two shares, though no one expected the
babe could eat its share. After the fish food was passed to each, the
broth was also liberally salted and then poured into several wooden
bowls. At one fish feast platters of cooked rice and squash were also
brought and set among the people. Handful after handful of solid food
followed its predecessor rapidly to the always-crammed mouth. The
fish was eaten as one might eat sparingly of a delicacy, and the broth
was drunk now and then between mouthfuls.

Two other fish are also eaten by the Igorot of the area, the liling,
about 4 to 6 inches in length — also cooked and eaten without dressing —
and the chalit, a large fish said to acquire the length of 4 feet.

Several small animals, crustaceans and mollusks, gathered in the river
and picked up in the sementeras by the women, are cooked and eaten.
All, these are considered similar to fish and are eaten similarly. Among

Digitized by

Google

142 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.8otv.i

these is a bright-red crab called "agkama.^' ^ This is boiled and all
eaten except part of the back shell and the hard "pinchers/^ A shrimp-
like crustacean obtained in the irrigated sementeras is also boiled and
eaten entire. A few mollusks are eaten after being cooked. One, called
kitan, I have seen eaten many times ; it is a snail-like animal, and after
being boiled it is sucked into the mouth after the apex of the shell
has been bitten or broken off. Two other animals said to be somewhat
similar are called finga and lischug.

The carabao is killed by spearing, and, though also eaten simply as
food, it is seldom killed except on ceremonial occasions, such as
marriages, funerals, the building of a dwelling, and peace and war
feasts whether actual events at the time or feasts in commemoration.

The chief occasion for eating carabao merely as a food is when an
animal is injured or ill at a time when no ceremonial event is at hand.
The animal is then killed and eaten. All is eaten that can be masticated.
The animal is neither skinned, singed, nor scraped. All is cut up and
cooked together — ^hide, hair, hoofs, intestines, and head, excepting the
horns. Carabao is generally not salted in cooking, and the use of salt
in eating the flesh depends on the individual eater.

Sometimes large pieces of raw carabao meat are laid on high racks
near the dwelling and "dried^* in the sun. There are several such
racks in Bontoc, and one can know. a long distance from them whether
they hold **dried'^ meat. If one pueblo in the area exceeds another
in the strength and unpleasantness of its "dried^^ meat it is Mayinit,
where on the occasion of a visit there a very small piece of meat jammed
on a stick — ^like a "tafify stick^^ — and joyfully sucked by a 2-year-old babe
successfully bombarded and depopulated our camp.

Various meats, called ^^t-tag','' as carabao and pork, are "preserved^^
by salting down in large bejuco-bound gourds, called "fa'-lay,^' or in
tightly covered oUas, called "tu-u'-nan." All pueblos in the area (except
Ambawan, which has an unexplained taboo against eating carabao) thus
store away meats, but Bitwagan, Sadanga, and Tukukan habitually salt
large quantities in the fa'-lay. Meats are kept thus two or three years,
though of course the odor is vile.

The dog ranks last in the list of regular flesh foods of the Bontoc
man. In the Benguet area it ranks second, pork receiving the first
place. The Ibilao does not eat dog — his dog is a hunter and guard,
giving alarm of the approaching enemy.

In Bontoc the dog is eaten only on ceremonial occasions. Funerals
and marriages are probably more often celebrated by a dog feast than
are any other of their ceremonials. The animal's mouth is held closed
and his legs secured while he is killed by cutting the throat. Then his
tail is cut off close to the body — why, I could not learn, but I once saw

1 It is believed to be either a Porcelain (Porcelana) or a Spider (Maioidea) crab.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] PEEPARATION OP BEVERAGES 143

it, and am told it always is so. The animal is singed in the fire
and the crisped hair nibbed off with sticks and hands, after which it
is cut up and boiled, and then further cut up and eaten as is the cara-
bao meat.

Young babies are sometimes fed hard-boiled fresh eggs, but the Igorot
otherwise does not eat "fresh" eggs, though he does eat large numbers
of stale ones. He prefers to wait, as one of them said, "until there is
something in the egg to eat." ^ He invariably brings stale or developing
eggs to the American until he is told to bring fresh ones. It is not
alone the Igorot who has this peculiar preference — the same condi-
tion exists widespread in the Archipelago.

Locusts, or cho'-chon, are gathered, cooked, and eaten by the Igorot,
as by all other natives in the Islands. They are greatly relished, but may
be had in Bontoc only irregularly — perhaps once or twice for a week
or ten days each year, or once in two years. They are cooked in boiling
water and later dried, whereupon they become crisp and sweet. By some
Igorot they are stored away, but I can not say whether they are kept
in Bontoc any considerable time after cooking.

The locusts come in storms, literally like a pelting, large-flaked
snowstorm, driving across the country for hours and even days at a
time. All Igorot have large scoop nets for catching them and immense
bottle-like baskets in which to put them and transport them home.
The locust catcher runs along in the storm, and, whirling around in it
with his large net, scoops in the victims. Many families sometimes
wander a week or more catching locusts when they come to their vicinity,
and cease only when miles from home. The cry of "enemy" will scarcely
set, an Igorot community astir sooner than will the cry of "cho'-chon."
The locust is looked upon by them as a very manna from heaven.
Pi-na-laf is a food of cooked locusts pounded and mixed with uncooked
rice. All is salted down in an oUa and tightly covered over with a
vegetable leaf or a piece of cloth. When it is eaten the mixture is
cooked, though this cooking does not kill the strong odor of decay.

Other insect foods are also eaten. I once saw a number of men
industriously robbing the large white "eggs" from an ant nest in a tree.
The nest was built of leaves attached by a web. Into the bottom of
this closed pocket the men poked a hole with a long stick, letting a
pint or more of the white pupae run out on a winnowing tray on the
earth. From this tray the furious ants were at length driven, and the
eggs taken home for cooking.

BEVERAGES

The Igorot drinks water much more than any other beverage. On
the trail, though carrying loads while the American may walk empty
handed, he drinks less than the American. He seldom drinks while

Digitized by

Google

144 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. subv. i

eating, though he makes a beverage said to be drunk only at mealtime.
After meals he usually drinks water copiously.

BA-si is the Igorot name of the fermented beverage prepared from
sugar cane. "BA-si," imder various names, is found widespread
throughout the Islands. The Bontoc man makes his ba-si in December.
He boils the expressed juice of the sugar cane about six hours, at which
time he puts into it a handful of vegetable ferment obtained from a tree
called "tub-fig'." This vegetable ferment is gathered from the tree
as a flower or young fruit; it is dried and stored in the dwelling for
future use. The brewed liquid is poured into a large oUa, the flat-
bottom variety called "fu-o-foy"' manufactured expressly for ba-si, and
then is tightly covered over and set away in the granary. In flve days
the ferment has worked sufficiently, and the beverage may be drunk.
It remains good about four months, for during the flfth or sixth month
it turns very acid.

BA-si is manufactured by the men alone. Tukukan and Titipan
manufacture it to sell to other pueblos; it is sold for about half a peso
per gallon. It is drunk quite a good deal during the year, though
mostly on ceremonial occasions. Men frequently carry a small amount
of it with them to the sementeras when they guard them against the
wild hogs during the long nights. They say it helps to keep them
warm. One glass of bd-si will intoxicate a person not accustomed to
drink it, though the Igorot who uses it habitually may drink two or
three glasses before intoxication. Usually a man drinks only a few
swallows of it at a time, and I never saw an Igorot intoxicated except
during some ceremony and then not more than a dozen in several
months. Women never drink bd-si.

Ta-pu-i is a fermented drink made from rice, the cha-y§t'-it variety,
they say, grown in Bontoc pueblo. It is a very sweet and sticky rice
when cooked. This beverage also is foimd practically ever}nvhere in
the Archipelago. Only a small amount of the cha-ySt'-it is grown by
Bontoc pueblo. To manufacture ta-pu-i the rice is cooked and then
spread on a winnowing tray imtil it is cold. When cold a few ounces of
a ferment called "fu-fud" are sprinkled over it and thoroughly stirred
in; all is then put in an oUa, which is tied Qver and set away. The
ferment consists of cane sugar and dry raw rice poimded and pulverized
together to a fine powder. This is then spread in the sun to dry and is
later squeezed into small balls some 2 inches in diameter. This ferment
will keep a year. When needed a ball is pulverized and sprinkled fine
over the cooked rice. An oUa of rice prepared for ta-pti-i will be
found in one day half flUed with the beverage.

Ta-pu-i will keep only about two months. It is never drunk by
the women, though they do eat the sweet rice kernels from the jar, and
they, as well as the men, manufacture it. It is claimed never to be

Digitized by

Google

I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photos by Jenks.

Plate XCVIII. THE KALINQA SHIELDS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

rhoto8 bv Jenks.

PUTE XCIX. BANAWI SHIELD, FRONT AND BACK.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate C. BONTOC WAR SPEARS (FAL-FEQO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photos by Martin.

Plate CI. SPEARS (FANO'-KAO AND KAY-YAN').

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.
PiATE Cll. BONTOC BATTLE-AXES, WITH BEJUCO FERRULES.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

PiATE cm. BONTOC BATTLE-AXES, WITH STEEL FERRULES.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

IMjoIo I>v .lonks.

Plate CIV. THE BALBELASAN OR NORTHERN BATTLE-AX.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

PiATE CV. AQAWA CLAY PIPE MAKER.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'hoto by .It'll ks.

Plate CVII. FINISHED AQAWA CLAY PIPES, WITH STEMS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] MANUFACTURE OF SALT 145

manufactured in the Bontoc area for sale. A half glass of the beverage
will intoxicate. At the end of a month the beverage is very intoxicating,
and is then commonly weakened with water. Ta-pti-i is much pre-
ferred to b4-si.

The Bontoc man prepares another drink which is filthy, and, even
they themselves say, vile smelling. It is called ^^sa-fu-gng',^^ is drunk
at meals, and is prepared as follows: Cold water is first put in a jar,
and into it are thrown cooked rice, cooked camotes, cooked locusts, and
all sorts of cooked flesh and bones. The resulting liquid is drunk at
the end of ten days, and is sour and vinegar-like. The preparation is
perpetuated by adding more water and solid ingredients — it does not
matter much what they are.

The odor of sa-fu-gng' is the worst stench in Bontoc. T never closely
investigated the beverage personally — but I have no reason to doubt
what the Igorot says of it; but if all is true, why is it not fatal?

SALT

Throughout the year the pueblo of Mayinit produces salt from a
number of brackish hot springs occupying about an acre of ground at
the north end of the pueblo.

Mayinit has a population of about 1,000 souls, probably half of whom
are directly interested in salt production. It is probable that the pueblo
owes its location to the salt springs, although adjoining it to the south
is an arable valley now filled with rice sementeras, which may first have
drawn the people.

The hot springs slowly raise^their water to the surface, where it flows
along in shallow streams. Over these streams, or rather sheets of
sluggish water, the Igorot have built 152 salt houses, usually about 12
feet wide and from 12 to 25 feet long. The houses, well shown in
PI. CXV, are simply grass-covered roofs extending to the earth.

There is no ownership in the springs to-day — just as there is no
ownership in springs which furnish irrigating water — one owns the
water that passes into his salt house, but has no claim on that which
passes through it and flows out below. So each person has ownership
of all and only all the water he can use within his plant, and the people
claim there are no disputes between owners of houses — ^as they look at
it, each owner of a salt house has an equal chance to gather salt.

The ground space of the salt house is closely paved with cobblestones
from 4 to 6 inches in diameter. The water passes among the bases of
these stones, and the salt is deposited in a thin crust over their surface.
(See PI. CXVI.)

These houses are inherited, and, as a consequence, several persons may
15223 10

Digitized by

Google

146 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.8ub7.i

ultimately have proprietary interest in one house. In such a case the
ground space is divided, often resulting in many twig-separated patches,
as is shown in fig. 7.

About once each month the salt is gathered. The women of the
family work naked in the stream-filled house, washing the crust of salt
from the stones into a large wooden trough, called "ko-long^-ko.^^ Each
stone is thoroughly washed and then replaced in the pavement. The
saturated brine is preserved in a gourd until sufficient is gathered for
evaporation.

Fig. 7.— Ground plan of Mayinit salt house.

Two or more families frequently join in evaporating their salt. The
brine is boiled in the large, shallow iron boilers, and from half a day
to a day is necessary to effect the evaporation. Evaporation is discon-
tinued when the salt is reduced to a thick paste.

The evaporated salt is spread in a half-inch layer on a piece of
banana leaf cut about 5 inches square. The leaf of paste is supported
by two sticks on, but free from, a piece of curved broken pottery which
is the baking pan. The salt thus prepared for baking is set near a
fire in the dwelling where it is baked thirty or forty minutes. It is
then ready for use at home or for commerce, and is preserved in the
square, flat cakes called '^uk'-sa."

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

MANUFACTURE OF SUGAE

147

Analyses have been made of Mayinit salt as prepared by the crude
method of the Igorot. The showing is excellent when the processes are
considered, the finished salt having 86.02 per cent of sodium chloride as
against 90.68 per cent for Michigan common salt and 95.35 for Onondaga
common salt.

Table of salt composition

Constituent elements

Mayinit salt

Baked
salt

Common fine-

Saturated
brine

Evaporat-
ed salt

Michigan
salt^

Onondaga
salts

Calcium sulphate

0.73

.92

7.95

2.14

1.60 1 0.46 0.806

1.886

Sodium sulphate

6.28 1 10.03

72.19 86.02

.16 .45

Sodium chloride

90.682

95.853

Insoluble matter

Water

Undetermined «_ _

88.08
.2»

19.19 1.78
.68 1.26

6.752

3.000

Calcium chloride J

.974
.781

.155

Magncflium chloride '

.136 1

Total -

100

100 U9.994 i 99.999

1 Analysis made for this i^udy by Bureau of Government Laboratories, Manila, P. I.,
February 21, 1903.
s Charles A. Goessmann in Universal Cyclopeedia, vol. x (1900), p. 274.

One house produces from six to thirty cakes of salt at each baking.
A cake is valued at an equivalent of 6 cents, thus making an average salt
house, producing, say, fifteen cakes per month, worth 9 pesos per year.
Salt houses are seldom sold, but when they are they claim they sell for
only 3 or 4 pesos.

SUGAB

In October and November the Bontoc Igorot make sugar from cane.
The stalks are gathered, cut in lengths of about 20 inches, tied in
bundles a foot in diameter, and stored away until the time for expressing
the juice.

The sugar-cane crusher, shown in PL CXVIII, consists of two,
sometimes of three, vertical, solid, hard-wood cylinders set securely
to revolve in two horizontal timbers, which, in turn, are held in place
by two uprights. One of the cylinders projects above the upper
horizontal timber and has fitted over it, as a key, a long double-end
sweep. This main cylinder conveys its power to the others by means
of wooden cogs which are set firmly in the wood and play into sockets
dug from the other cylinder. Boys commonly furnish the power used
to crush the cane, and there is much song and sport during the hours
of labor.

Two people, usually boys, sitting on both sides of the crusher, feed the
cane back and forth. Three or four stalks are put through at a time,

Digitized by

Google

148 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. surv. i

and they are run through thirty or forty times, or until they break
into pieces of pulp not over three or four inches in length.

The juice runs down a slide into a jar set in the ground beneath
the crusher.

The boiling is done in large shallow iron boilers over an open fire
under a roof. I have known the Igorot to operate the crusher until
midnight, aild to boil down the juice throughout the night. Sugar-
boiling time is known as a-su-fal'-i-wis.

A delicious brown cake sugar is made, which, in some parts of the
area, is poured to cool and is preserved in bamboo tubes, in other parts
it is cooked and preserved in flat cakes an inch in thickness.

There is not much sugar made in the area, and a large part of the
product is purchased by the Ilokano. The Igorot cares very kttle for

sweets; even the children frequently throw away candy after yuisting it.

MEALS AND MEALTIME /

The man of the family arises about 3.30 or 4 o'clock in the morning.
He builds the fires and prepares to cook the family breakfast and the
food for the pigs. A labor generally performed each morning is the
paring of camotes. In about half an hour after the man arises the
camotes and rice are put over to cook. The daughters come home
from the olag, and the boys from their sleeping quarters shortly before
breakfast. Breakfast, called "mang-an'," meaning simply "to eat," is
taken by all members of the family together, usually between 5 and 6
o'clock. For this meal all the family, sitting on their haunches, gather
around three or four wooden dishes filled with steaming hot food setting
on the earth. They eat almost exclusively from their hands, and seldom
drink anything at breakfast, but they usually drink water after the meal.

The members of the family who are to work away from the dwelling
leave about 7 or 7.30 o'clock — ^but earlier, if there is a rush of work.
If the times are busy in the fields, the laborers carry their dinner with
them; if not, all members assemble at the dwelling and eat their dinner
together about 1 o'clock. This midday meal is often a cold meal, even
when partaken in the house.

Field laborers return home about 6.30, at which time it is too dark
to work longer, but during the rush seasons of transplanting and
harvesting palay the Igorot generally works until 7 or 7.30 during
moonlight nights. All members of the family assemble for supper, and
this meal is always a warm one. It is generally cooked by the man,
unless there is a boy or girl in the family large enough to do it, and
who is not at work in the fields. It is usually eaten about 7 or 7.30
o'clock, on the earth floor, as is the breakfast. A light is used, a bright,
smoking blaze of the pitch pine. It burns on a flat stone kept ready
in every house — it is certainly the first and crudest house lamp, being

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8J METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION 149

removed in development only one infinitesimal step from the stationary
fire. This light is also sometimes employed at breakfast time, if the
morning meal is earlier than the sun.

Usually by 8 o'clock the husband and wife retire for the night, and
the children leave home immediately after supper.

TRANSPORTATION

The human is the only beast of burden in the Bontoc area. Else-
where in northern Luzon the Christianized people employ horses, cattle,
and carabaos as pack animals. Along the coastwise, roads cattle and
carabaos haul two-wheel carts, and in the unirrigated lowland rice tracts
these same animals drag sleds surmounted by large basket-work recep-
tacles for the palay. The Igorot has doubtless seen all of these methods
of animal transportation, but the conditions of his home are such that
he can not employ them.

He has no roads for wheels; neither carabaos, cattle, nor horses could
go among his irrigated sementeras; and he has relatively few loads of
produce coming in and going out of his pueblo. Such loads as he has
can be transported by himself with greater safety and speed than by
quadrupeds; and so, since he almost never moves his place of abode, he
has little need of animal transportation.

To an extent the river is employed to transport boards, timbers, and
firewood to both Bontoc and Samoki during the high water of the rainy
season. Probably one-fourth of the firewood is borne by the river a part
of its journey to the pueblos. But there is no effort at comprehensive
water transportation; there are no boats or rafts, and the wood which
does float down the river journeys in single pieces.

The characteristic of Bontoc transportation is that the men invariably
carry all their heavy loads on their shoulders, and the women as uni-
formly transport theirs on their heads.

In Benguet all people carry on their backs, as also do the women of
the Quiangan area.

In all heavy transportation the Bontoc men carry the spear, using
the handle as a staff, or now and then as a support for the load; the
women frequently carry a stick for a staff. Man's common transporta-
tion vehicle is the ki-ma'-ta, and in it he carries palay, camotes, and
manure. He swings along at a pace faster than the walk, carrying from
75 to 100 pounds. He carries all firewood from the mountains, directly
on his bare shoulders. Large timbers for dwellings are borne by two
or more men directly on the shoulders; and timbers are now, season of
1903, coming in for a schoolhouse carried by as many as twenty-four
men. Crosspieces, as yokes, are bound to the timbers with bark lash-
ings, and two or four men shoulder each yoke.

Rocks built into dams and dikes are carried directly on the bare

Digitized by

Google

150 THE BONTOO IGOROT Lbth.pubv.i

shoulders. Earth, carried to or from the building sementeras, in the
trails, or about the dwellings, is put first in the tak-o-chtig', the basket-
work scoop, holding about 30 or 40 pounds of earth, and this is carried
by wooden handles lashed to both sides and is dumped into a transporta-
tion basket, called "ko-chuk-kod'/^ This is invariably hoisted to the
shoulder when ready for transportation. When men carry water the
fang'-a or oUa is placed directly on the shoulder as are the rocks.

When the man is to be away from home over night he usually carries
his food and blanket, if he has one, in the waterproof f ang'-ao slung
on his back and supported by, a bejuco strap passing over each shoulder
and under the arm. This is the so-called 'Tiead basket,^* and, as a matter
of fact, is carried on war expeditions by those pueblos that use it, though
it is also employed in more peaceful occupations. As a cargador the
man carries his burdens on the shoulder in three ways — either double,
the cargo on a pole between two men ; or singly, with the cargo divided
and tied to both ends of the pole ; or singly, with the cargo laid directly
on the shoulder.

Women carry as large burdens as do the men. They have two com-
monly employed transportation baskets, neither of which have I seen a
man even so much as pick up. These are the shallow, pan-shaped lu'-wa
and the deeper, larger tay-ya-an'. In these two baskets, and also at
times in the man's ki-ma'-ta, the women carry the same things as are
borne by the men. Not infrequently the woman uses her two baskets
together at the same time — the tay-ya-an' setting in the lu'-wa, as is
shown in Pis. CXIX and CXXI. When she carries the ki-ma'-ta
she places the middle of the connecting pole, the pa'-tang on her head,
with one basket before her and the other behind. At all times
the woman wears on her head beneath her burden a small grass
ring 5 or 6 inches in diameter, called a "ki'-kan.'^ Its chief function
io that of a cushion, though when her burden is a fang'-a of water the
ki'-kan becomes also a base — ^without which the round-bottomed oUa
could not be balanced on her head without the support of her hands.

The woman's rain protector is often brought home from the camote
gardens bottom up on the woman's head full of camote vines as food
for the pigs, or with long, dry grass for their bedding. And, as has
been noted, all day long during April and May, when there were no
camote vines, women and little girls were going about bearing their
small scoop-shaped s<ig-fi' gathering wild vegetation for the hogs.

Almost all of the water used in Bontoc is carried from the river to
the pueblo, a distance ranging from a quarter to half a mile. The
women and girls of a dozen years or more probably transport three-
fourths of the water used about the house. It is carried in 4 to 6
gallon oUas borne on the head of the woman or shoulder of the man.
Women totally blind, and many others nearly blind, are seen alone at
the river getting water.

Digitized by

Google

JBNX8] COMMERCE 151

About half the women and many of the men who go to the river
daily for water carry babes. Children from 1 to 4 years old are
frequently carried to and from the sementeras by their parents, and at
all times of the day men, women, and children carry babes about the
pueblo. They are commonly carried on the back, sitting in a blanket
which is slung over one shoulder, passing under the other, and tied across
the breast. Frequently the babe is shifted forward, sitting astride the
hip. At times, though rarely, it is carried in front of the person. A
frequent sight is that of a woman with a babe in the blanket on her
back and an older child astride her hip supported by her encircling arm.

When one sees a woman returning from the river to the pueblo at
sundown a child on her back and a 6-gallon jar of water on her head,
and knows that she toiled ten or twelve hours that day in the field with
her back bent and her eyes on the earth like a quadruped, and yet
finds her strong and joyful, he believes in the future of the' mountain
people of Luzon if they are guided wisely — they have the strength and
courage to toil and the elasticity of mind and spirit necessary for
development.

COMMBRCB

The Bontoc Igorot has a keen instinct for a bargain, but his import-
ance as a comerciante has been small, since his wants are few and
the state of feud is such that he can not go far from home.

His bargain instinct is shown constantly. The American stranger
is charged from two to ten times the regular price for things hB wishes
to buy. Early in April of the last two years the price of palay for the
vAmerican has, on a plea of scarcity, advanced 20 per cent, although it
has been proved that there is at all times enough palay in the pueblo
for three years' consumption.

Eather than spoil a possible high price of a product, outside pueblos
have left articles overnight with Bontoc friends to be sold to the
American next day at his own price, and when those pueblos came
again to vend similar wares the high prices were maintained.

BARTER

' Most commerce is carried on by barter. Within a pueblo naturally
having neither stores nor a legalized currency people trade among them-
selves, but the word 'T^arter^' as here used means the systematic exchange
of the products of one community for those of another.

To note the articles produced for commerce by two or three pueblos
will give a fair illustration of the importance which interpueblo
commerce carried on entirely by barter has assumed among the Igorot
of the Bontoc culture group, though the comerciante rarely remains
from home more than one night at a time.

Digitized by

Google

152 THE BONTOO IGOBOT [bth.surv.i

The luwa, the woman's shallow transportation basket, is made by
the pueblo of Samoki only, and it is employed by fifteen or eighteen
other pueblos. Samoki also makes the akaug, or rice sieve, which is
used commonly in the vicinity. Bontoc and Samoki alone make the
woman's deeper transportation basket, the tayyaan, and it is used quite
as extensively as is the luwa.

The sleeping hat is made only by Bontoc and Samoki; it goes exten-
sively in commerce. The large winnowing tray employed universally
by the Igorot is said to be made nowhere in the vicinity except in
Samoki and Kamyu. Bontoc and Samoki alone make the man's dirt
scoop, the takochug, and it is invaris^bly employed by all men laboring
in the sementeras.

Neither Bontoc nor Samoki is within the zone of bejuco, from which
a considerable part of their basket work is made, and, as a consequence,
the raw material is bartered for from pueblos one or two days distant.
Barlig furnishes most of the bejuco. Every manojo of Bontoc and
Samoki palay is tied up at harvest time with a strip of one variety of
bamboo called "fika" made by the pueblos from sections of bamboo
brought in bundles from a day's journey westward to barter during April
and May. The rain hat of the Bontoc man is coated with beeswax
coming in trade from Barlig, as does also the clear and pure resin
used by the women of Samoki in glazing their pots.

Towns to the east of Bontoc, such as Tukukan, Sakasakan, and
Tinglayan, grow tobacco which passes westward in trade from town
to town* nearly, if not quite, through the Province of Lepanto. It
doubles its value for about every day of its journey, or at each trading.

Samoki pottery and the salt of Mayinit offer as good illustrations as
there are of the Igorot barter. A dozen loads of earthenware, from
sixty to seventy-five pots, leave Samoki at one time destined for a
single pueblo (see PI. CXXIII). The Samoki pot is made for a
definite trade. Titipan uses many of a certain kind for her commercial
basi and the potters say that they make pots somewhat different for
about all the two dozen pueblos supplied by them. The potter has
learned the art of catering to the trade. There is not only a variety of
forms made but the capacity of the fangas ranges from about one quart
to ten and twelve gallons, and each variety is made to satisfy a
particular and known demand. Samoki ware seldom passes as far east
as Sakasakan, only four or five hours distant, because similar ware is
made in Bituagan, which supplies not only Sakasakan but the pueblos
farther up the river.

There are supposed to be between 280 and 290 families dwelling
in Bontoc, and, at a conservative estimate, each family has eight fangas.
Each dwelling of a widow has several, so it is a fair estimate to say
there are 300 dwellings in the pueblo, having a total of 2,400 fangas.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] APPRECIATION OP MODERN MONEY 163

Samoki has about 1,200 fangas in daily use. The estimated population
of the several towns that use Samoki pots is 24,000.

There is about one pot per individual in daily use in Bontoc and
Samoki, and this estimate is probably fair for the other pueblos. So
about 24,000 Samoki pots are daily in use, and this number is maintained
by the potters. Igorot claim the average life of a f anga of Samoki is
one year or less, so the pueblo must sell at least 24,000 pots per annum.
At the average price of 5 centavos about the equivalent of 1,200 pesos
come to the pueblo annually from this art, or about '40 pesos for each
of the thirty potters, whether or not she works at her art. A few years
ago, duxing a severe state of feud, Samoki pots increased in value about
thirty-fold; it is said that the potters purchased carabao for ten large
ollas each. To-day the large ollas are worth about 2 pesos, and carabaos
are valued at from 40 to 70 pesos.

Mayinit salt passes in barter to about as many pueblos as do the
Samoki pots, but while the pots go westward to the border of the
Bontoc culture area the salt passes far beyond the eastern border, being
bartered from pueblo to pueblo. It does not go far north of Mayinit,
or go at all regularly far west, because those pueblos within access of
the China Sea coast buy salt evaporated from sea water by the Ilokano
of Candon. In April at two different times twelve loads of Candon
salt passed eastward through Bontoc on the shoulders of Tukukan men,
but during the rainy season and the busy planting and harvesting
months Mayinit salt supplies a large demand.

In Bontoc and Samoki there are about one hundred and fifty gold
earrings which came from the gold-producing country about Suyak,
Lepanto Province. Carabaos are almost invariably traded for these.
Sometimes one carabao, sometimes two, and again three are bartered
for one gold earring. During the months of March and April the
pueblo of Balili traded three of these earrings to Bontoc men for
carabaos, and this particular form of barter has been carried on for
generations.

Balili, Alap, Sadanga, Takong, Sagada, Titipan and other pueblos
between Bontoc pueblo and Lepanto Province to the west weave breech-
cloths and skirts which are brought by their makers and disposed of
to Bontoc and adjacent pueblos. Agawa, Genugan, and Takong bring
in clay and metal pipes of their manufacture. Much of these produc-
tions is baHered directly for palay. If money is paid for the articles
it is invariably turned into palay, because this is the greatest constant
need of manufacturing Igorot pueblos.

SALE

The Spaniard left his impress on the Igorot of Bontoc pueblo in no
realm probably more surely than in that of the appreciation of the
value of money.

Digitized by

Google

154 THE BONTOO IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

The Bale instinct, and not the barter instinct, is foremost now in
Bontoc and Samoki when an American is a party to a bargain, and this
is true in all pueblos on the main trail to Lepanto and the west coast.
But one has little diflBculty in bartering for Igorot productions if he
has things the people want — such as brass wire, cloth for the woman's
skirt, the man's breechcloth, a shirt, or coat. In many pueblos the '
people try to buy for money the articles the American brings in for
barter, although it is true that barter will often get from them many
things which monfey can not buy. To the northeast and south of Bontoc
barter will purchase practically anything.

The conditions of peace among the pueblos since the arrival of the
Americans and the money which is now everywhere within the area
have been the important factors in helping to develop interpueblo
commerce from barter to sale.

Most of the clothing worn in the pueblos of Lepanto Province is
made from cotton purchased for money at the coast. With few excep-
tions the breechcloths and blankets worn by Bontoc and Samoki are
purchased for money, though it is not very many years since the bark
breechcloth made in Titipan and Bariig was worn, and in Tulubin, only
two hours distant, Bariig blankets and breechcloths of whole bark are
worn to-day.

One week in April a Bontoc Igorot traded a carabao to an Ilokano
of Lepanto Province for a copper ganza, the customary way of purchas-
ing ganzas, and the following week another Bontoc man sold a carabao
for money to another Lepanto Ilokano.

The Baliwang battle-ax and spear are now more generally sold for
money than is any other production made or disposed of within the
Bontoc area. They are said to-day to be seldom bartered for.

MEDIUM OF EXCHANGE

That a people with such incipient social and political institutions as
has the Bontoc Igorot should have developed a ^^money'' is remarkable.
The North American Indian with his strong tendency and adaptability
to political organization had no such money. Nothing of the kind has
been presented as belonging to the Australian of ultrasocial develop-
ment, and I am not aware that anything equal has been produced by
other similar primitive peoples. However, it seems not improbable
that allied tribes (say, of Malayan stock) which have solved the problem
of subsistence in a like way have a similar currency, although I find
no mention of it among four score of writers whose observations on
similar tribes of Borneo have come to hand, and nothing similar has
yet been found in the Philippines.

The Bontoc Igorot has a "medium of exchange" which gives a
"measure of exchange value'' for articles bought and sold, and which
has a "standard of value." In other words he has "good money" —

Digitized by

Google

JBNKs] NATIVE MEASURE OF EXCHANGE VALUE 155

probably the best money that could have been devised by him for his
society. It is his staple product — palay, the unthreshed rice.

Palay is at all times good money, and it is the thing commonly
employed in exchange. It answers every purpose of a suitable medium
of exchange. It is always in demand, since it is the staple food. It
is kept eight or ten years without deterioration. Except when used
to purchase clothing, it is seldom heavier or more diflScult to transport
than is the object for which it is exchanged. It is of very stable value,
80 much so that as a purchaser of Igorot labor and products its value
is constant; and it can not be counterfeited.

Aside from this universal medium of exchange the characteristic
production of each community, in a minor way, answers for the com-
munity the needs of a medium of exchange.

Samoki buys many things with her pots, such as tobacco and salt
from Mayinit; cloth from Igorot comerciantes ; breechcloth and basi
from the Igorot producers; chickens, pigs, palay, and camotes from
neighboring pueblos. Mayinit uses her salt in much the same way,
only probably to a less extent. Salt is not consumed by all the people.

To-day, as formerly, the live pig and hog and pieces of pork and
carabao meat are used a great deal in barter. As far back as the
pueblo memory extends pigs have been used to purchase a particularly
good breechcloth called ^^alakes,^^ made in Balangao, three days east
of Bontoc.

In all sales the mediimi of exchange is entirely in coin. Paper will
not be received by the Igorot. The peso (the Spanish and Mexican
silver dollar) passes in the area at the rate of two to one with Ameri-
can money. There is also the silver half peso, the peseta or one-fifth
peso, and the half peseta. The latter two are not plentiful. The only
other coin is the copper "sipen..''

No centavos (cents) reach the districts of Lepanto and Bontoc from
Manila, and for years the Igorot of the copper region of Suyak and
Mankayan, Lepanto, have manufactured a coimterfeit copper coin called
"sipen.^^ All the half-dozen copper coins current in the active commer-
cial districts of the Islands are here counterfeited, and the "sipSn'*
passes at the high rate of 80 per peso ; it is common and indispensable.
A crude die is made in clay, and has to be made anew for each "sipSn^'
coined. The counterfeit passes throughout the area, but in Tinglayan,
just beyond its eastern border, it is not known. Within two days
farther east small coins are unknown, the peso being the only money
value in common knowledge.

MEASURE OF EXCHANGE VALUE

The Igorot has as clear a conception of the relative value of two
things bartered as has the civilized man when he buys or sells for
money. The value of all things, from a 5-cent block of Mayinit salt

Digitized by

Google

156

THE BONTOC IGOBOT

[BTH. BUBV. 1

to a ^0 carabao, is measured in palay. To-day, as formerly, every
bargain between two Igorot is made on the basis of the palay value of
the articles bought or sold# This is so even though the payment is in
money.

STANDARD OF VALUE

The standard of value of the palay currency is the s!n fing-e' — ^the
Spanish "manojo," or handful — ^a small bunch of palay tied up immedi-
ately below the fruit heads. It is about one foot long, half head and
half straw. The value of such a standard is not entirely uniform, and
yet there is a great uniformity in the size of the sin fing-e', and all
values are satisfactorily taken from it

PALAT OUSRENCT

An elaborate palay currency has been evolved from the standard, of
which the following are the denominations:

DenomlDation

Number

of
handfuls

Bin f1ng-4 _ ^.. - _ ,

1
5
10
15

Sin I'-ttng

Chu'-wa I'-tlng

To-16 i'-tlng

r-pat i'-tlng

Pu'-ak or gu'-tad

SInfu-t6k'

25
' 50

Sin fu-t€k' p\S-ak

Chu'-wa fu-t«k'

100

To-lo' fu-tfik'

150

I '-pat fu-tek'

200

Li-ma' fu-tek' _

250

I-nlm' fu-t€k'

800

Pl-to' fu-tfik' __

850

Wa-lo' fu-tek' _ _

400

450

600

1,000

S*-am' fii-tftk'

Slm-po'-o fu-t6k'

Sln-o'-po _-_ r_

TRADE ROUTES

Commerce passes quite commonly within the Bontoc culture area
from one pueblo to the next, and even to the second aud third pueblos
if they are friends; but the general direction is along the main river (the
Chico), southwest and northeast, since here the people cling. This being
the case, those living to the south and north of this line have much
less commerce than those along the river route. For instance, practi-
cally no people now pass through Ambawan, southeast of Bontoc. It
is the last pueblo in the area along the old Spanish calzada between
the culture areas of Bontoc and Quiangan to the south. N"o people live

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] TRADE LANGUAGES 157

farther southward along the route for nearly a day, and the first pueblos
met are enemies of Ambawan, fearful and feared. The only commerce
between the two culture areas over this route passes when a detach-
ment of native Constabulary soldiers makes the journey. Naturally
the area traversed by a comerciante is limited by the existing feuds.
The trader will not go among enemies without escort.

Besides the general trade route up and down the river, there is one
between Bontoc and Barlig to the east via Kanyu and Tulubin. At
Barlig the trail splits, one branch running farther eastward through
Lias and Balangao and the other going southward through the Cambulo
area — a large valley of people said to be similar in culture to those of
Quiangan.

Another route from Bontoc leaves the' main trail at Titipan and
joins the pueblos of Tunnolang, Fidelisan, and Agawa in a general
southwest direction. From Agawa the trail crosses the mountains,
keeping its general southwest course. It turns westward at the Eio
Balasian, which it follows to Ankiling on the Rio del Abra. The
route is then along the main road to Candon on the coast via Salcedo.

Mayinit, the salt-producing pueblo, has her outlet on the main trail
via Bontoc, but she also passes eastward to the main trail at Sakasakan,
going through Baliwang, the battle-ax pueblo. She has no outlet to
the north.

TRADE LANGUAGES AND TRADERS

Since the commerce is to-day nearly all interpueblo, the common
language of the Igorot is used almost exclusively in trade. While the
Spaniards were occupying the country. Chinamen — ^the "Chino" of the
Islands — ^passed up from the coast as far as Bontoc, and even farther;
the Ilokano also came. They brought much of the iron now in the
country, and also came with brass wire, cloth, cotton, gangsas, and salt.
These two classes of traders took out, in the main, the money and
carabaos of the Igorot, and the Spaniard's coifee, cocoa, and money.
To-day no comerciante from the coast dares venture farther inland
than Sagada. Of the tradesmen the Chinese did not apparently affect
the trade language at all, since the Chino commonly employs the Ilokano
language. The Spanish gave the words of salutation, as "Buenos dias^'
(good day) and "d Dios'^ (adieu) ; he also gave some of the names of
coins. The peso, the silver dollar, is commonly called "peho.^^ How-
ever, the medio peso is known as "thalepi," from the Ilokano "salepi."
The peseta is called "peseta;" and the media peseta is known as "dies
ay seis'* (ten and six), or, simply, "seis" — it is from the Spanish, mean-
ing sixteen quartos.

The Ilokano language was the more readily adopted, since it is of
Malayan origin, and is heard west of the Igorot with increasing

Digitized by

Google

158 THE BONTOO IGOBOT [bth.8ubv.i

frequency until its home is reached on the coast. Among the Ilokano
words common in the language of commerce are the following:

Ma'-no, how much ; a-sin', salt ; ba'-ag, breechcloth ; bu-ya'-ang, black ;
con-di'-man, red; fan-cha'-la, blanket, white, with end stripes; pas-lin/,
Chinese bar iron from which axes, spears, and bolos are made; ba-rot',
brass wire; pi-nag-pa'-gan, a woman^s blanket of distinctive design.

An Americanism used commonly in commercial transactions in the
area, and also widely in northern Luzon, is ^^no got.^' It is an expres-
sion here to stay, and its simplicity as a vocalization has had much
to do with its adoption.

STAGES OF COMMERCE

The commerce of the Igorot illustrates what seems to be the first
distinctively commercial activity. Preceding it is the stage of barter
between people who casually meet and who trade carried possessions on
the whim of the moment. If we wish to dignify this kind of barter, it
may properly be called ^Tortuitous Commerce.^'

The next stage, one of the two illustrated by the Igorot of the Bontoc
cidture area, is that in which commodities are produced before a wide-
spread or urgent demand exists for them in the minds of those who
eventually become consumers through commerce. Such commodities
result largely from a local demand and a local supply of raw materials.
Gradually they spread over a widening area, carried by their producers
whose home demand is, for the time, supplied, and who desire some
commodity to be obtained among another people. Such venders never
or rarely go alone to exchange their goods, which, also, are seldom
produced by simply one person, but by a number of individuals or a
considerable group. The motive prompting this commerce is the desire
on the part of the trader to obtain the commodity for which he goes.
In order to obtain it in honor, he attempts to thrust his own productions
on the others by carrying his commodities among them. Commerce in
this stage may be called "Irregular Intrusive Commerce.^' It also has
its birth and development in barter.

A higher stage of commerce, an immediate outgrowth of the preced-
ing, is that in which the producer anticipates a known demand for his
commodity, and at irregular times carries his stock to the consumers.
This commerce may be called "Irregular Invited Commerce." It is in
this stage that a medium of exchange is likely to develop. This class
of commerce is also in full operation in Bontoc to-day.

A higher form is that in which the producer keeps a supply of his
commodity on hand, and periodically displays it repeatedly in a known
place — a "market." This stage also may be developed simply through
barter, as is seen among certain pueblo Indians of southwestern United
States, but the Bontoc man has not begun to dream of a "market" for

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] PROPERTY RIGHT 159

satisfying his material wants. Such commerce may be called "Periodic
Free Conmierce." It is widespread in the Philippines, displaying both
barter and sale. In many places in the Archipelago to-day, especially in
Mindanao, periodic commerce is carried on regularly on neutral terri-
tory. Market places are selected where products are put down by one
party which then retires temporarily, and are taken up by the other
party which comes and leaves its own productions in exchange. '

Growing out of these monthly, semimonthly, weekly, biweekly, and
triweekly markets, as one sees them in the Philippines, is a still higher
form of commerce carried on very largely by sale, but not entirely so.
It may be called "Continual Free Commerce/'

PROPERTY RIGHT

The idea of property right among the Igorot is clear. The recog-
nition of property right is universal, and is seldom disputed, notwith-
standing the fact that the right of ownership rests simply in the memory
of the people — ^the only property mark being the ear slit of the half-
wild carabao.

The majority of property disputes which have come to light since
the Americans have been in Bontoc probably would not have occurred
nor would the occasion for them have existed in a society of Igorot con-
trol. It is claimed in Bontoc that the Spaniard there settled most dis-
putes which came to him in favor of the party who would pay the most
money. In this way, it is said, the rich became the richer at the expense
of the poor. This condition is suggested by recent reclamos made by
poor people. Again, since the American heard the reclamos of all
classes of people, the poor who, according to Igorot custom, forfeited
sementeras to those richer as a penalty for stealing palay, have come to
dispute the ownership of certain real property.

PERSONAL PROPERTY OF INDIVIDUAL

Most articles of personal property are individual. Such property
consists of clothing, ornaments, implements, and utensils of out-of-door
labor, the weapons of warfare, and such chickens, dogs, hogs, carabaoe,
food stuffs, and money as the person may have at the time of marriage
or may inherit later.

Four of the richest men of Bontoc own fifty carabaos each, and one
of them owns thirty hogs. Two other men and a woman, all called
equally rich, own ten head of carabaos each. Others have fewer, while
two of the ten richest men in the pueblo have no carabaos. Some of
these men have eight granaries, holding from two to three hundred
cargoes each, now full of palay. Carabaos are at present valued in
Bontoc at about 50 pesos, and hogs average about 8 pesos. All rich
people own one or more gold earrings valued at from one to two carabaos
each.

Digitized by

Google

160

THE BONTOO IGOBOT

[BTH. SUBV. 1

The so-called richest man in Bontoc, Lak-ay'-Sng, has the following
visible personal property:

Articles

Value In
pesos

Fifty carabaos, at 60 pesos each _ _

2.600
240

2,000
600

1,000

Thirty hogs, at 8 pesos each

Eight full granaries, with 250 l-peso cargoes-
Eight eairiDgs, at 75 pesos each

Coin from sale of palay, hogs, etc ,

Total

6,840

The above figures are estimates; it is impossible to make them exact,
but they were obtained with much care and are believed to be sufficiently
accurate to be of value.

PERSONAL PROPERTY OF GROUP

All household implements and utensils and all money, food stuflEs,
chickens, dogs, hogs, and carabaos accumulated by a married couple
are the joint property of the two.

Such personal property as hogs and carabaos are frequently owned
by individuals of different families. It is common for three or four
persons to buy a carabao, and even ten have become joint owners of
one animal through purchase. Through inheritance two or more people
become joint owners of single carabao, and of small herds which they
prefer to own in common, pending such an increase that the herd may
be divided equally without slaughtering an animal. Until recent
years two, three, and even four or five men jointly owned one battle-ax.

As the Igorot acquires more money, or, as the articles desired become
relatively cheaper, personal property of the group (outside the family
group) is giving way to personal property of the individual. The
extinction of this kind of property is logical and is approaching.

REAL PROPERTY OF INDIVIDUAL

The individual owns dwelling houses, granaries, camote lands about
the dwellings and in the mountains, millet and maize lands in the moun-
tains, irrigated rice lands, and mountain lands with forests. In fact,
the individual may own all forms of real property known to the people.

It is largely by the possession or nonpossession of real property that
a man is considered rich or poor. This fact is due to the more apparent
and tangible form of real than personal property. The ten richest
people in Bontoc, nine men and a woman, own, it is said, in round
numbers one hundred sementeras each. The average value of a semen-
tera is 10 pesos for every cargo of palay it produces annually. A
sementera producing 10 cargoes is rated a very good one, and yet there
are those yielding 20, 25, 30, and even 40 cargoes.

Digitized by

Google

o
z
<

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

rhoto bv .lenks.

Plate CIX. METAL PIPE MAKERS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
<

llJ

-I

III

Z
I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Ill

z
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

til
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate CXIII. QOURD FOR STORING SALT MEATS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

O
u.

I-

>
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

o
z

cc
O

z
o

t
z

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'hotoK liy Martin.

PUT£ CXVI. (a) WOMAN WASHING SALT; (b) SALT-INCRUSTED ROCKS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

<
q

<
o

o
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

IMioto by Martin.

Plate CXIX. METHODS OF TRANSPORTATION.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JENK8]

THE FORMS OF WEALTH

161

It is practically impossible to get the truth concerning the value of
the personal or real property of the Igorot in Bontoc, because they are
not yet sure the American will not presently tax them unjustly, as they
say the Spaniard did. But the following figures are believed to be
true in every particular. Mang-i-lot^, an old man whose ten children
are all dead, and who says his property is no longer of value because
he has no children with whom to leave it, is believed to have spoken
truthfully when he said he has the following sementeras in the five
following geographic areas surrounding the pueblo:

Geographic area

Magkang..
Kagchog ..

Felas

Toyub

Samuiyu ..

Total

Number
of iem-
enteras

Number
of car-
goes pro-
duced

15
5
8
6

These sementeras produce the low average of 3J cargoes. The average
value of Mang-i-lof s' sementeras, then, is 33J pesos — which is thought
to be a conservative estimate of the value of the Bontoc sementera.
Mang-i-lot' is rated among the lesser rich men. He is relatively, as the
American says, "well-to-do/^ However, when a man possesses twenty
sementeras he is considered rich.

The richest man in Bontoc, with one hundred sementeras, has in
them, say, 3,330 pesos^ worth of real property in addition to his 6,340
pesos of personal property.

It is claimed that each household owns its dwelling and at least
two sementeras and one granary, though a man with no more property
than this is a poor man and some one in his family must work much
of the time for wages, because two average sementeras will not furnish
all the rice needed by a family for food.

A dwelling house is valued at about 60 pesos, which is less than it
usually costs to build, and a granary is valued at about 10 or 15 pesos.
It is constructed with great care, is valueless unless rodenJt proof, and
costs much more than its avowed valuation.

Title to all buildings, building lands in the pueblo, and irrigated
rice lands is recognized for at least two generations, though unoccupied
during that time. They say the right to such unoccupied property
would be recognized perpetually if there were heirs. At least it is
true that there are now acres of unused lands, once palay sementeras,
which have not been cultivated for two generations because water can
15223 11

Digitized by

Google

162 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

not be run to them, and the property right of the grandsons of the
men who last cultivated them is recognized. However, if one leaves
vacant any unirrigated agricultural mountain lands — ^used for millet,
maize, or beans — ^another person may claim and plant them in one
year's time, and no one disputes his title.

REAL PROPERTY OF GROUP

All real property accumulated by a man and woman in marriage
is their joint properi;y as long as both live and remain in union.

No form of real property, except forests, can be the joint property
of other individuals than man and wife. Forests are most commonly
the property of a considerable group of people — the descendants of a
single ancestral owner. The lands as well as the trees are owned, and
the sale of trees carries no right to the land on which they grow. It
is impossible even to estimate the value of any one^s forest property,
but it is true that persons are recognized as rich or poor in forests.

PUBLIC PROPERTY

Public lands and forests extend in an irregular strip around most
pueblos. There is no public forest, or even public lands, between Bon-
toc and Samoki, but Bontoc has access to the forests lying beyond her
sister pueblo. Neither is there public forest, or any forest, between
Bontoc and Tukukan, and Bontoc and Titipan, though there are public
lands. In all other directions from Bontoc public forests surround
the outlying private forests. They are usually from three to six
hours distant. Prom them any man gathers what he pleases, but imtil
the American came to Bontoc the Igorot seldom w^it that far for wood
or lumber, as it was unsafe. Now, however, the individual will doubt-
less claim these lands, unless hindered by the Government. In this
manner real property was first accumulated — ^a man claimed public
lands and forests which he cared for and dared to appropriate and
use. There have been few irrigated sementeras built on new water
supplies in two generations by people of Bontoc pueblo. The "era
of public lands" for Bontoc has practically passed; there is no more
undiscovered water. However, three new sementeras were built this
year on an island in the river near the pueblo, and are now (May, 1903)
full of splendid palay, but ihey can not be considered permanent prop-
erty, as an excessively rainy season will make them unfit for cultivation.

SALE OP PROPERTY

Personal property commonly passes by transfer for value received
from one party to another. Such a thing as transfer of real property
from one Igorot to another for legal currency is unknown; the trans-

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] RENT, LOAN, AND LEASE 163

fer is by barter. The transfer of personal property was considered in
the preceding section on commerce.

Eeal property is seldom transferred for value received except at
the death of the owner or a member of the family ; at such times it is
common, and occurs from the necessity of quantities of food for the
burial feasts and the urgent need of blankets and other clothing for
the interment.

Again, camote lands about the dwellings are disposed of to those
who may want to build a dwelling. Dwellings are also disposed of
if the original occupant is to vacate and some other person desires to
possess the buildings.

Death may destroy one's personal property, such as hogs and carabaos,
but almost never does an Igorot ^lose his property,^' if it is real. Only
a protracted family sickness or a series of deaths requiring the killing
of great numbers of chickens, hogs, and carabaos, and the purchase of
many things necessary for interment can lose to a person real property
of any considerable value.

There is no formality to a "sale'' of property, nor are witnesses
employed. It is common knowledge within the ato when a sale is on,
and the old men shortly know of and talk about the transaction — ^thence-
forth it is on record and will stand.

RENT, LOAN, AND LEASE OF PROPERTY

Until recent years, long after the Spaniards came, it was customary
to loan money and other forms of personal property without interest
or other charge. This generous custom still prevails among most of
the people, but some rich men now charge an interest on money loaned
for one or more years. Actual cases show the rate to be about 6 or 7
per cent. The custom of loaning for interest was gained from contact
with the Lepanto Igorot, who received it from the Hokano.

It is claimed that dwellings and granaries are never rented.

Irrigated rice lands are commonly leased. Such method of culti-
vation is resorted to by the rich who have more sementeras than they
can superintend. The lessee receives one-half of the palay harvested,
and his share is delivered to him. The lessor furnishes all seed, ferti-
lizers, and labor. He delivers the lessee's share of the harvest and
retains the other half himself, together with the entire camote crop —
which is invariably grown immediately after the palay harvest.

Unirrigated moimtain camote lands are rented outright; the rent
is usually paid in pigs. A sementera that produces a yield of 10 cargoes
of camotes, valued at about six pesos, is worth a 2-peso pig as annual
rental. In larger sementeras a proportional rental is charged — a rental
of about 33J per cent. All rents are paid after the crops are harvested.

Digitized by

Google

164 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

INHERITANCE AND BEQUEST

As regards property the statement that all men are bom equal is
as false in Igorot land as in the United States. The economic status
of the present generation and the preceding one was practically deter-
mined for each man before he was bom. It is fair to make the state-
ment that the rich of the present generation had rich grandparents
and the poor had poor grandparents^ although it is true that a large
property is now and then lost sight of in its division among numerous
children.

Children before their marriage receive little permanent property
during the lives of their parents, and they retain none which they may
accumulate themselves. A mother sometimes gives her daughter the
hair dress of white and agate beads, called "apong;** also she may give
a mature daughter her peculiar and rare girdle, called ^^akosan.^^ Either
parent may give a child a gold earring; I know of but one such
case. This custom of not allowing an unmarried child to possess
permanent property is so rigid that, I am told, an xmmarried son or
daughter seldom receives carabaos or sementeras until the death of the
parents, no matter how old the child may be.

At the time of marriage parents give their children considerable
property, if they have it, giving even one-half the sementeras they
possess. If parents are no longer able to cultivate their lands when
their children marry, they usually give them all they have, and their
wants are faithfully met by the children.

The conditions presented above are practically the only ones in which
the property owner controls the disposition of his possessions which
pass in gift to kin.

The laws of inheritance and bequest are as firmly fixed as are the
customs of giving and not giving during life.

Since all the property of a husband and wife is individual, except
that accumulated by the joint efforts of the two during union, the
property of each is divided on death. The survivor of a matrimonial
union receives no share of the individual property of the deceased if
there are kin. It goes first to the children or grandchildren. If there
are none and a parent survives, it goes to the parent. If there are
neither children, grandchildren, nor parents it goes to brothers and
sisters or their children. If there are none of these relatives the
property goes to the uncles and aunts or cousins. This seems to be
the extent of the kinship recognized by the Igorot. If there are no
relatives the property passes to the survivor of the union. If there
is no survivor the property passes to that friend who takes up the
responsibilities of the funeral and accompanying ceremonies. The law
of inheritance, then, is as follows: First, lineal descendants; second,

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] TEIBUTB AND TAXES 165

ascendants; thirds lateral descendants ; fourth^ surviying spouse; fifths
self-appointed executor who was a personal friend of the deceased.

Primogeniture is recognized^ and the oldest living child, whether
male or female, inherits slightly more than any of the others. For
instance, if there were three or four or five sementeras per child, the
eldest would receive one more than the others.

This law of primogeniture holds at all times, but if there are three
boys and one girl the girl is given about the same advantage over the
others, it is said, as though she were the eldest. If there are three girls
and only one boy, no consideration is taken of sex. When there are
only two children the eldest receives the largest or best sementera, but
he must also take the smallest or poorest one.

It is said that division of the property of the deseased occurs during
the days of the funeral ceremonies. This was done on the third day of
the ceremonies at the funeral of old Som-kad^ mentioned in the section
on "Death and Burial.*' The laws are rigid, and all that is necessary to
be done is for the lawful inheritors to decide which particular prop-
erty becomes the possession of each. This is neither so difficult nor
so conducive of friction as might seem, since the property is very
undiversified.

TRIBUTE, TAX, AND "RAKE OFF"

There is no true systematic tribute, tax, or "rake off*' among the
Bontoc Igorot, nor am I aware that such occurs at all commonly
sporadically. However, tribute, tax, and "rake off" are all found in
pure Malayan culture in the Archipelago, as among the Moros of the
southern islands.

Tribute may be paid more or less regularly by one group of people
to a stronger, or to one in a position to harass and annoy — for the pro-
tection of the stronger, or in acknowledgment of submission, or to avoid
harassment or annoyance. Nothing of the sort exists in Bontoc. The
nearest approach to it is the exchange of property, as carabaos or hogs,
between two pueblos at the time a peace is made between them — ^at
which time the one sueing for peace makes by far the larger payment,
the other payment being mere form. This transaction, as it occurs in
Bontoc, is a recognition of submission and of inferiority, and is, as well,
a guarantee of a certain amount of protection. However, such pay-
ments are not made at all regularly and do not stand as true tributes,
though in time they might grow to be such.

Nothing in the nature of a tax for the purpose of supporting a
government exists in Bontoc. The nearest approach to it is in a practice
which grew up in Spanish time but is of Igorot origin. When to-day
cargadors are required by Americans, as when Government supplies
must be brought in, the members of each cargador's ato furnish him

Digitized by

Google

166 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.bubv.i

food for the journey, though the cargador personally receives and keeps
the wage for the trip. The furnishing of food seems to spring from
the feeling that the man who goes on the journey is the public servant
of those who remain — ^he is doing an unpleasant duty for his ato fellows.
If this were carried one step further, if the rice were raised and paid
for carrying on some regular function of the Igorot pueblo, it would
be a true tax. It may be true, and probably is, in pure Igorot society
that if men were sent by an ato on some mission for that ato they
would receive support while gone. This would readily develop into a
true tax if those public duties were to be performed continually,
or even frequently with regularity.

"Rake off,^^ or, as it is Imown in the Orient, "squeeze,'* is so common
that every one — Malay, Chino, Japanese, European, and American —
expects his money to be "squeezed** if it passes through another's hands
or another is instrumental in making a bargain for him. In much of
the Igorot territory surrounding the Bontoc area "rake off** occurs —
it follows the advent of the "headman.** It is one of the direct causes
why, in Igorot society, the headman is almost always a rich man.
During the hunting stage of human development no "rich man** can
come up, as is illustrated by the primitive hunter folk of North America.
As soon, however, as there are productions which may be traded in, there
is a chance for one man to take advantage of his fellows and accumulate
a part of their productions — this opportunity occurs among primitive
agricultural people. The Bontoc area, however, has no 'Tieadman,**
no "rich man,** and, consequently, no "rake off.**

Digitized by

Google

Chapter V

POLITICAL LIFE AND CONTROL

It is impossible to put one's hand on any one man or any one group
of men in Bontoe pueblo of whom it may be said, "Here is the control
element of the pueblo/'

Nowhere has the Malayan attained national organization. He is
known in the Philippines as a "provincial/' but in most districts he is
not even that. The Bontoe Igorot has not even a clan organization, to
say nothing of a tribal organization. I fail to find a trace of matriarchy
or patriarchy, or any mark of a kinship group which traces relationship
f arthet than first cousins.

The Spaniard created a " presidente" and a "vice-presidente" for the
various pueblos he sought to control, but these men, as often Ilokano
as Igorot, were the avenue of Spanish approach to the natives — ^they
were almost never the natives' mouthpiece. The influence of such oflB-
cials was not at all of the nature to create or foster the feeling of
political unity.

Aside from these two pueblo oflBcers the government and control of
the pueblo is purely aboriginal. Each ato, of which, as has been noted,
there are seventeen, has its group of old men called ^'In-tug-tu'-kan."
This In-tug-tu'-kan is not an organization, except that it is intended
to be perpetual, and, in a measure, self -perpetuating. It is a thoroughly
democratic group of men, since it is composed of all the old men in the
ato, no matter how wise or foolish, rich or poor — no matter what the
man's social standing may be. Again, it is democratic — ^the simplest
democracy — in that is has no elective organization, no headmen, no
superiors or inferiors whose status in the !n-tug-tu'-kan is determined by
the members of the group. The feature of self-perpetuation displays
itself in that it decides when the various men of the ato become am-a'-ma,
"old men," and therefore members of the in-tug-tu'-kan. A person is
told some day to come and counsel with the In-tug-tu'-kan, and thence-
forth he is a member of the group.

In all matters with which the in-tug-tu'-kan deals it is supreme in
its ato, but in the ato only ; hence the opening statement of the chapter
that no man or group of men holds the control of the pueblo. The

167

Digitized by

Google

168 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.bubv.i

life of the several ato has been so similar for such a number of genera-
tions that^ in matters of general interest^ the thoughts of one !n-tug-
tu'-kan will be practically those of all others. For instance, there
are eight ceremonial occasions on which the entire pueblo rests from
agricultural labors, simply because each ato observes the same cere-
monials on identical days. In one of these ceremonials, all the men
of the entire pueblo have a rock con «t with all the men of Samoki.
Again, when a person of the pueblo hdS been killed by another pueblo
treacherously or in ambush, or in any way except by fair fight, the pueblo
as a unit hastens to avenge the death on the pueblo of the slayer.

In such matters as these — ^matters of common defense and offense,
matters of religion wherein food supply is concerned — custom has long
since crystallized into an act of democratic imity what may once have
been the result of the councils of all the in-tug-tu'-kan of the pueblo.
It is customary for an ato to rest from agricultural labor on the funeral
day of any adult man, but the entire pueblo thus seeks to honor at his
death the man who was old and influential.

There is little differentiation of the functions of the in-tug-tu'-kan.
It hears, reviews, and judges the individual disagreements of the mem-
bers of the ato and makes laws by determining custom. It also executes
its judgments or sees that they are executed. It makes treaties of peace,
sends and accepts or rejects challenges of war for its ato. In case of
interato disagreements of individuals the two in-tug-tu'-kan meet and
counsel togetiier, representing the interests of the persons of their ato.
In other words, the pueblo is a federation made up of seventeen geo-
graphical and political imits, in each of which the members recognize
that their sanest, ripest wisdom dwells with the men who have had the
longest experience in life; and the group of old men — sometimes only
one man and sometimes a dozen — is known as in-tug-tu'-kan, and its
wisdom is respected to the degree that it is regularly sought and is
accepted as final judgment, being seldom ignored or dishonored. In
matters of a common interest the pueblo customarily acts as a unit.
Probably could it not so act, factions would result causing separation
from the federation. This state of things is hinted as <me of the
causes why the ancestors of present Samoki separated from the pueblo
of Bontoc. The fact that they did separate is common knowledge, and
a cause frequentiy assigned is lack of space to develop. However,
there may have been disagreement.

CRIMES, DETECTION AND PUNISHMENT

Theft, Ijring to shield oneself in some criminal act, assault and
battery, adultery, and murder are the chief crimes^ against Igorot
society.

There are tests to determine which of several suspects is guilty of
a crime. One of these is the rice-chewing test. The old men of the

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] CRIMES AND PUNISHMENT 169

ato interested assemble, in whose presence each suspect is made to
chew a mouthful of raw rice, which, when it is thoroughly masticated,
is ejected on to a dish. Each mouthful is examined, and the person
whose rice is the driest is considered guilty. It is believed that the
guilty one will be most nervous during the trial, thus checking a nor-
mal flow of saliva.

Another is a hot-water test. An egg is placed in an oUa of boiling
water, and each suspect is obliged to pick it out with his hand. When
the guilty man draws out the egg the hot water leaps up and bums the
forearm.

There is an egg test said to be the surest one of all. A battle-ax
blade is held at an angle of about 60 d^rees, and an egg is placed at
the top in a position to slide down. Just before the egg is freed from
the hand the question is asked ^^Is Liod (the name of the man under
trial) guilty?'^ If the egg slides down the blade to the bottom the
man named is innocent but if it sticks on the ax he is guilty.

There is also a blood test employed in Bontoc pueblo, and also to the
west, extending, it is said, into Lepanto Province, An instrument
consisting of a sharp spike of iron projecting about one-sixteenth of
an inch from a handle with broad shoulders is placed against the scalp
of the suspects and the handle struck a sharp blow. The projecting
shoulder is supposed to prevent the spike from entering the scalp of
one farther than that of another. The person who bleeds most is
considered guilty — ^he is ^Tiot headed.^^

I was once present at an Igorot trial when the question to be decided
was whether a certain man or a certain woman had lied. The old men
examined and cross-questioned both parties for fully a quarter of an
hour, at which time they announced that the woman was the liar.
Then they brought a test to bear evidence in binding their decision.
They killed a diicken and cut it open. The gall was found to be
almost entirely exposed on the liver — clearly the woman had lied. She
looked at the all-knowing gall and nodded her acceptance of the verdict
If the gall had been hidden by the upper lobe of the liver, the verdict
would not have been sustained.

If a person steals palay, the injured party may take a sementera
from the offender.

If a man is found stealing pine wood from the forest lands of another,
he forfeits not only all the wood he has cut but also his working ax.

The penalty for the above two crimes is common knowledge, and
if the crime is proved there is no longer need for the old men to make
a decision — ^the offended party takes the customary retributive action
against the offender.

Cases of assault and battery frequently occur. The chief causes are
lovers^ jealousies, theft of irrigating water during a period of drought.

Digitized by

Google

170 THE BONTOC IGOROT [BTH.simv.i

and dissatisfaction between the heirs of a property at or shortly follow-
ing the time of inheritance.

It is customary for the old men of the interested ato to consider all
except common offenses unless the parties settle their differences without
appeal.

A fine of chickens^ pigs^ sementeras^ sometimes even of carabaos^ is
the usual penalty for assault and battery.

Adultery is not a common crime. I was unable to learn that the
punishment for adultery was ever the subject for a council of the old
men. It seems rather that the punishment— death of the offenders — ^is
always administered naturally, being prompted by shocked and turbu-
lent emotions rather than by a council of the wise men. In Igorot
society the spouse of either criminal may take the lives of both the
guilty if they are apprehended in the crime. To-day the group con-
sciousness of the penalty for adultery is so firmly fixed that adul-
terers are slain, not necessarily on the spur of the moment of a suspected
crime but sometimes after carefully laid plans for detection. A case
in question occurred in Suyak of Lepanto Province. A man knew that
his faithless wife went habitually at dusk with another man to a
secluded spot under a fallen tree. One evening the husband preceded
them, and lay down with his spear on the tree trunk. When the guilty
people arrived he killed them both in their crime, thrusting his spear
through them and pinning them to the earth.

Among a primitive people whose warfare consists much in ambush-
ing and murdering a lone person it is not always possible to predict
whether the taking of human life will be considered a criminal act or
an act of Intimate warfare.

It is considered warfare by the group of the murdered person, and
as such to be met by return warfare unless the group of the murderer
is a friendly one and at once comes to the offended people to sue for
continued peace. This applies to political groups within a pueblo as
well as to the people of distinct pueblos.

When murder is considered simply as a crime, its pimishment may
be one of two classes: First, the murderer may lose his life at the
hands of his own group ; second, the crime may be compounded for the
equivalent of the guilty man's property. In this case the settlement
is between the guilty person and the political group of the victim, and
the value of the compound is consumed by feastings of the group. No
part of the price is paid the family of the deceased as a compensation
for the loss of his labor and other assistance.

The three following specific cases of misdemeanors will illustrate
somewhat more fully the nature of differences which arise between
individuals in pure Igorot society:

In Samoki early in November, 1902, Bisbay pawned an iron pot — ^a

Digitized by

Google

JUNKS] CRIMES AND PUNISHMENT 171

sugar boiler — ^to Yagao for 4 pesos. In about two months, when sugar
season was on, Bisbay went to redeem his property, but Yagao would
neither receive the money nor give up the boiler. The old men of the
ato counseled together over the matter, and, as a result, Yagao received
the 4 pesos and returned the pot, and the matter was thus amicably
settled between the two.

Early in January, 1903, Mowigas, of the pueblo of Ganang, cut
and destroyed the grasshopper basket of Dadaag, of the pueblo of
Mayinit, and also slightly cut Dadaag with his ax, but did not attempt
to kill him. The cause of the assault was this: Mowigas had killed a
chicken and was having a ceremonial in his house at the time Dadaag
passed with his basket of grasshoppers. According to Igorot custom
he should not have taken grasshoppers past a house in which such a
ceremony was being performed. The breach made it necessary to hold
another ceremony, killing another chicken. Old men from Mayinit,
the pueblo of Dadaag, came to Ganang and told Mowigas he would
have to pay 3 pesos for his conduct, or Mayinit would come over and
destroy the town. He paid the money, whereas the basket was worth
only one-sixth the price. Trouble was thus averted, and the individuals
reconciled. In this case the two pueblos are friends, but Mayinit is
much stronger than Ganang, and evidently took advantage of the fact.

In January, 1903, a woman and her son, of Titipan, stole camotes
of another Titipan family. The old men of the two ato of the interested
families fined the thieves a hog. The fine was paid, and the hog eaten
by the old men of the two ato.

Very often the fine paid by the offender passes promptly down the
throats of the jury. However, it is the only compensation for their
services In keeping the peace of the pueblo, so they look upon it as
their rightful share — ^it is the 'lawyer's share'^ with a vengeance.

Digitized by

Google

Chapter VI

WAR AND HEAD-HUNTING

En-fa-lok'-nSt is the Bontoc word for war, but the expression
"na-ma'-ka'' — ^take heads — is used interchangeably with it.

For unknown generations these people have been fierce head-hunters.
Nine-tenths of the men in the pueblos of Bontoc and Samoki wear on
the breast the indelible tattoo emblem which proclaims them takers of
human heads. The fawi of each ato in Bontoc has its basket contain-
ing skulls of human heads taken by members of the ato.

There are several different classes of head-hunters among primitive
Malayan peoples, but the continuation of the entire practice is believed
to be due to the so-called "debt of life*' — ^that is, each group of people
losing a head is in duty and honor bound to cancel the score by securing
a head from the offenders. In this way the score is never ended or
canceled, since one or the other group is always in debt.

It seems not improbable that the heads may have been cut off first
as the best way of making sure that a fallen enemy was certainly slain.
The head was at all events the best proof to a man'6 tribesmen of the
discharge of the debt of life; it was the trophy of success in defeating
the foe. Whatever the cause of taking the head may have been with
the first people, it would surely spread to others of a similar culture
who warred with a head-taking tribe, as they would wish to appear as
cruel, fierce, and courageous as the enemy.

Henry Ling Eoth^ quotes Sir Spencer St. John as follows concerning
the Seribas Dyaks of Borneo (p. 142) :

A certain influential man denied that head-hunting is a religious ceremony
among them. It is merely to show their bravery and manliness, that it may be
said that so-and-so has obtained heads. When they quarrel it is a constant
phrase, ''How many heads did your father or grandfather get?" If less than his
own number, "Well, then, you have no occasion to be proud!" That the posses-
sion of heads gives them great considerations as warriors and men of wealth, the
skulls being prized as the most valuable of goods.

»The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (2 vols., London, 1896); pp. 140-174, vol. ii.
172

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] ROTH ON HEAD-HUNTING 173

Again he quotes St. John (p. 143) :

Feasts in general are: To make their rice grow well, to cause the forest to
abound with wild animals, to enable their dogs and snares to be successful in
securing game, to have the streams swarm with fish, to give health and activity
to the people themselves, and to insure fertility to their women. All these bless-
ings the possessing and feasting of a fresh head are supposed to be the most
efficient means of securing.

He quotes Axel. Dalrymple as follows (p. 141) :

The Uru Ais believe that the persons whose heads they take will become their
slaves in the next world.

On the same page he quotes others to the same point regarding
other tribes of Borneo.
Eoth states (p. 163) :

From all accounts there can be little doubt that one of the chief incentives to
getting heads is the desire to please the women. It may not always have been
so and there may be and probably is the natural blood-thirstiness of the animal
in man to account for a great deal of the head-taking.

He quotes Mrs. F. F. McDougall in her statement of a Sakaran legend
of the origin of head-taking to the effect that the daughter of their
great ancestor residing near the Evening Star "refused to marry until
her betrothed brought her a present worth her acceptance.^* First the
young man killed a deer which the girl turned from with disdain ; then
he killed and brought her one of the great monkeys of the forest, but it
did not please her. "Then, in a fit of despair, the lover went abroad
and killed the first man he met, and, throwing his victim's head at the
maiden's feet, he exclaimed at the cruelty she had made him guilty of;
but, to his surprise, she smiled and said that now he had discovered the
only gift worthy of herself (p. 163). In the three following pages of
his book the author quotes three or four other writers who cite in detail
instances wherein heads were taken simply to advance the slayer's
interests with women.

As showing the passion for head-hunting among these people, St.
John tells of a young man who, starting alone to get a head from a
neighboring tribe, took the head of "an old woman of their own tribe,
not very distantly related to the young fellow himself." When the
fact was discovered *Tie was only fined by the chief of the tribe and
the head taken from him and buried" (p. 161).

Again (p. 159) :

The maxim of the ruffians (Kayans) is that out of their own country all are
fair game. "Were we to meet our father, we would slay him." The head of a
child or of a woman is as highly prized as that of a man.

Mr. Eoth writes that Mr. F. Witti "found that the latter (Limberan)
would not count as against then^elves heads obtained on head-hunting
excursions, but only those of people who had been making peaceful

Digitized by

Google

174 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. surv. i

visits, etc. In fact, the sporting head-hunter bags what he can get,
his declared friends alone excepted'* (p. 160).

The Ibilao of Luzon, near Dupax, of the Province of Nueva Vizcaya,
give the name ^^debt of life" to their head-hunting practice; but they
have, in addition, other reasons for head taking. No man may marry
who has not first taken a head; and every year after they harvest their
palay the men go away for heads, often going journeys requiring a
month of time in order to strike a particular group of enemies. The
Christians of Dupax claim that in 1899 the Ibilao took the heads of
three Dupax women who were working in the rice sementeras close
to the pueblo. These same Christians also claim that they have seen
a human head above the. stacks of harvested Ibilao palay; and they
claim the custom is practiced annually, though the Ibilao deny it.

Some dozen causes for head-himting among primitive Malayan peoples
have been here cited. These include the debt of life, requirements for
marriage, desire for abimdant fruitage and harvest of cultivated prod-
ucts, the desire to be considered brave and manly, desire for exaltation
in the minds of descendants, to increase wealth, to secure abundance of
wild game and fish, to secure general health and activity of the people,
general favor at the hands of the women, fecundity of women, and
slaves in the future life.

From long continuance in the practice of head-hunting, many beliefs
and superstitions arise to foster it, until in the minds of the people
these beliefs are greater factors in its perpetuation than the original one
of the debt of life. The possession of a head, with the accompanying
honor, feasts, and good om^is, seems in many cases to be of first impor-
tance rather than the avenging of a life.

The custom of head taking came with the Igorot to Luzon, a custom
of their ancestors in some earlier home. The people of Bontoc, how-
ever, say that their god, Lumawig, taught them to go to war. When,
a very long time ago, he lived in Bontoc, he asked them to accompany
him on a war expedition to Lagod, the north country. They said they
did not wish to go, but finally yielded to his urgings and followed him.
On the return trip the men missed one of their companions, Gu-ma'-ntlb.
Lumawig told them that Gu-ma'-nfib had been killed by the people
of the north. And thus their wars began — Gu-ma^-nflb must be avenged.
They have also a l^end in regard to head taking : The Moon, a woman
called ^TSiabigat,*' was sitting one day making a copper pot, and one of
the children of the man Chalchal, the Sun, came to watch her. She
struck him with her molding paddle, cutting off his head. The Sun
immediately appeared and placed the boy's head back on his shoulders.
Then the Sun said to the Moon: ^^ecause you cut off my son's head,
the people of the Earth are cutting off each other's heads, and will do so
hereafter."

Digitized by

Google

JBNKs] MOTIVES FOE HEAD-HUNTING 175

With the Bontoc men the taking of heads is not the passion it seems
to be with some of the people of Borneo. It is, however, the almost
invariable accompaniment of their interpueblo warfare. They inva-
riably, too, take the heads of all killed on a head-hunting expedition.
They have skulls of Spaniards, and also skulls of Igorot, secured when
on expeditions of punishment or annihilation with the Spanish soldiers.

But the possession of a head is in no way a requisite to marriage.
A head has no part in the ceremonies for palay fruitage and harvest,
or in any of the numerous agricultural or health ceremonies of the
year. It in no way affects a man^s wealth, and, so far as I have been
able to learn, it in no way affects in their minds a man^s future exist-
ence. A beheaded man, far from being a slave, has special honor in
the future state, but there seems to be none for the head taker. As
shown by the Lumawig legend the debt of life is the primary cause of
warfare in the miuds of the people of Bontoc, and it is to-day a persist-
ent cause. Moreover, since interpueblo warfare exists and head taking
is its form, head-hunting is a necessity with an individual group of
people in a state of nature. Without it a people could have no peace,
and would be annihilated by some group which believed it a coward and
an easy prey.

There is no doubt that the desire to be considered brave and manly
has come to be a factor in Bontoc head taking. In my presence an
Igorot once told a member of ato TJngkan that the men of his ato were
like girls, because they had not taken^ heads. The statement was false,
but the pronounced judgment sincere. In this connection, also, it
may be said that although the taking of a head is not a requisite to
marriage, and they say that it does not win the men special favor from
the women, yet, since it makes them manly and brave in the eyes of
their fellows, it must also have its influence on the women.

The desire for exaltation in the minds of descendants also has a
certain influence — ^young men in quarrels sometimes brag of the number
of heads taken by their ancestors, and the prowess or success of an
ancestor seems to redound to the courage of the descendants; and it
is an aflfront to purposely and seriously belittle the head-hunting results
of a man^s father.

There can be no doubt that head-hunting expeditions are often
made in response to a desire for activity and excitement, with all
the feasting, dancing, and rest days that follow a successful foray. The
explosive nature of a man^s emotional energy demands this bursting
of the tension of everyday activities. In other words, the people get
to itching for a head, because a head brings them emotional satisfaction.

It is believed that now the people of the two sister pueblos, Bontoc
and Samoki, look on war and head-hunting somewhat as a game, as a
dangerous, great sport, though not a pastime. It is a test of agility
and skill, in which superior courage and brute force are minor factors.

Digitized by

Google

176 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth.surv.i

Primarily a pueblo is an enemy of every other pueblo, but it is
customary for pueblos to make terms of peace. Neighboring pueblos
are usually, but not always, friendly. The second pueblo away is
usually an enemy. On most of our trips through northern Luzon
cargadors and guides could readily be secured to go to the nearest
pueblo, but in most cases they absolutely refused to go on to the second
pueblo, and could seldom be driven on by any argument or force. The
actual n^otiations for peace are generally between some two ato of
the two interested pueblos, since the debt of life is most often between
two ato.

Bontoc and Samoki claim never to have sued for peace — a statement
probably true, as they are by far the largest body of warriors in the
culture area, and their war reputation is the worst. When one ato '
agrees on peace with another the entire pueblo honors the treaty.

The following peace agreements have been sought by outside pueblos
in recent years of ttie following ato of Bontoc: Sakasakan sued for
peace from Somowan, and Barlig from Pudpudchog; Tulubin, from
Buyayyeng; Bitwagan, from Sipaat; Tukukan sought peace from both
Amkawa and Polupo, and Sabangan also from Polupo; Sadanga, from
Choko; and Baliwang, from Longfoy.

The relations with two of tiiese pueblos, Barlig and Sadanga, however,
are now not peaceful. Bontoc has many kin in Lias, some two days to
the east, the trail to which passes Barlig; but communication between
these pueblos of kin has ceased, because of the attitude of Barlig. Com-
munication between Bontoc and Tinglayan, northeast of the Bontoc
area on the river, has also ceased, because of the enmity of Sadanga,
which lies close to the trail between the two pueblos.

The peace ceremonial, to which a hog or carabao is brought by the
entreating people and eaten by the two parties to the agreement, is
called ^'pwi-din.^' The peace is sealed by some exchange, as of a
battle-ax for a blanket, the people sued having the better part of the
trade.

It now and then happens tiiat of two pueblos at peace one loses a
head to the other. If the one taking the head desires continued peace,
some of its most influential men hasten to the other pueblo to talk
the matter over. Very likely the other pueblo will say, "If you wish
war, all right; if not^ you bring us two carabaos, and we will still be
friends.'^ If no effort for peace is made by the oflfenders, each from
that day considers the other an enemy.

There is a formal way of breaking tiie peace between two pueblos:
Should ato Somowan of Bontoc, for instance, wish to break her peace
with Sakasakan she holds a ceremonial meeting, called "men-pa-k§l'.^^
In this meeting the old men freely speak their minds; and when all
matters are settled a messenger departs for Sakasakan bearing a battle-

Digitized by

Google

JBNKs] PEACE AND CHALLENGE 177

ax or spear — the customary token of war with all these Bontoc peoples.
The life of the war messenger is secure, but, if possible, he is a close
relative of the challenged peopla There is* no record that such a
person was ever killed while on his mission. The messenger presents
himself to some old man of the ato or pueblo, and says, ^^n-ya'-lak nan
sud-sud in-fu-suF-ta-ko,^^ which means, roughly, "I bring the challenge
of war/'

If the challenge is accepted, as it usually is, an ax or spear is given
the messenger, and he hastens home to exclaim to his people, "In-tang-
i'-cha mSn-fu-sul'-ta-ko" — ^that is, ^They care to contest in war/'

A peace thus canceled is followed by a battle between practically all
the men of both sides. It is customary for the challenging people,
within a few days, to appear before the pueblo of their late friends,
and the men at once come out in answer to the challenging cries of
the visitors — ^^Come out if you dare to fight us!'' Or it may be that
those challenged appear near the other pueblo before it has time to
back its challenge.

If the challenged pueblo does not wish to fight, the spokesman tells
the messenger that they do not wish war ; they desire continued friend-
ship; and the messenger returns to his people, not with a weapon
of war, but with a chicken or a pig; and he repeats to his people the
message he received from the old man.

After a peace has been canceled the two pueblos keep up a predatory
warfare, with a head lost here and there, and with now and then a more
serious battle, until one or the other again sues for peace, and has its
prayer granted. In this predatory warfare tiie entire body of enemies,
one or more ato, at times lays in hiding to take a few heads from lone
people at their daily toil. Or when the country about a trail is covered
with close tropical growth an enemy may hide close above the path and
practically pick his man as he passes beneath him. He hurls or thrusts
his spear, and almost always escapes with his own life, frequently burst-
ing through a line of people on the trail, and instantly disappearing in
the cover below. Should the injured pueblo immediately retaliate, it
finds its enemies alert and on guard.

At two places near the mountain trail between Samoki and Tulubin
is a trellis-like structure called ^Tco'-mls.'' It consists of several posts
set vertically in the ground, to which horizontal poles are tied. The
posts are the stem and root sections of the beautiful tree f erm. They
are set root end up, and the fine, matted rootlets present a compact
surface which the Igorot has carved in the traditional shape of the
^^anito.'' Some of these heads have inlaid eyes and teeth of stone.
Hung on the ko'-m!s are baskets and frames in which chickens and pigs
have been carried to the place for ceremonial feasting.

These two ko'-m!s were built four years ago when Bontoc and Samoki
15223 12

Digitized by

Google

178 THE BONTOO IGOEOT [bth.subv.i

had their last important "head-hunting forays with Tnlubin. When
Bontoc or Samoki (and usually they fight together) sought Tulubin
heads they spent a night at one of the ko'-mis, remaining at the first
one, if the signs were propitious — but, if not, they passed on to the
second, hoping for better success. They killed and ate their fowls and
pigs in a ceremony called "fi-kat',*' and, if all was well, approached the
mountains near Tulubin and watched to waylay a few of her people
when they came to the sementeras in the early morning. If a crow
flew cawing over the trail, or a snake or rat crossed before the warriors,
or a rock rolled down the mountain side, or a clod of earth caved away
under their feet, or if the little omen bird, ^^i'-chu,^^ called, the expedi-
tion was abandoned, as these were bad omens.

The ceremony of the ko'-mis is held before all head-hunting expedi-
tions, except in the unpremeditated outburst of a people to immediately
punish the successful foray or ambush of some other. The ko'-mis
is built along all Bontoc war trails, though no others are known having
the "anito^' heads. So persistent are the warriors if they have decided
to go to a particular pueblo for heads that they often go day after
day to the ko'-mis for eight or ten days before tiiey are satisfied that
no good omens will come to them. If the omens are persistently bad,
it is customary for the warriors to return to their ato and hold the
mo-ging ceremony, during which they bury under the stone pavement
of the fawi court one of the skulls then preserved in the ato.

In this way they explode their extra emotions and partially work oflf
their disappointment.

Occasionally a town has a bad strain of blood, and two or three men
break away without common knowledge and take heads. The entire
body of warriors in the pueblo where those murdered lived promptly
rises and pours itself unheralded on the pueblo of the murderers. If
these people are not warned the slaughter is terrible — ^men, women, and
children alike being slain. None is spared, except mere babes, unless
they belong to the oflfended pueblo, marriage having taken them away
from home. Preceding a known attack on a pueblo it is customary
for the women and children to flee to the mountains, taking with them
the dogs, pigs, chickens, and valuable household effects. However,
Bontoc pueblo, because of her strength, is not so evacuated — she expects
no enemy strong enough to burst through and reach the defenseless.

In the Banawi area, where the dwellings are built on prominences
frequently a hundred or more feet above the surrounding territory,
they say the women often remain and assist in the defense by hurling
rocks. They are safer there than they would be dsewhere.

Men go to war armed with a wooden shield, a steel battle-ax, and
one to three steel or wooden spears. It is a man^s agility and skill in
keeping his shield between himself and the enemy that preserves his

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] METHODS OF WAEPARB 179

life. Their battles are full of quick, incessant springing motion. There
are sudden rushes and retreats, sneaking flank moYements to cut an
enemy off. The body is always in hand, always in motion, that it
may respond instantly to every necessity. Spears are thrown with
greatest accuracy and fatality up to 30 feet, and after the spears are
discharged the contest, if continued, is at arms^ length with the battle-
axes. In such warfare no attitude or position can safely be maintained
except for the shortest possible time.

Challenges and bluffs are sung out from either side, and these bluffs
are usually "called.'' In the last Bontoc-Tulubin foray a fine, strapping
Tulubin warrior sung out that he wanted to fight ten men — he was
taken at his word so suddenly that his head was a Bontoc prize before
his friends could rally to assist him.

In March we were returning from a trip to Banawi of the Quiangan
area, and were warned we might be attacked near a ceri»in river. As
we approached it coming down a forested mountain side three or four
men were seen among the trees on the farther side of the stream.
Presently they called their dogs, which began to bark ; then our Bontoc
Igorot Constabulary escori; "joshed'' the supposed enemy by loudly call-
ing dogs and hogs. Presently the calls worked themselves into a rhythmic
chorus for all like a strong college yell, "A'-su, a'-su, a'-su, a^-su, fu'-tug,
fu^-tug, fu'-tug, fu^-tug." It is probable the men across the river were
hunting wild hogs, but at the time the Constabulary considered the dog
calls simply a bluff, which they "called" in the only way they could
as they continued down the mountain trail.

Hocks are often thrown in battle, and not infrequently a man's leg
is broken or he is knocked senseless by a rock, whereupon he loses his
head to the enemy, unless immediately assisted by his friends.

There is little formality about the head taking. Most heads are cut
off with the battle-ax before tiie wounded man is dead. Not infrequently
two or more men have thrown their spears into a man who is disabled.
If among the number there is one who has never taken a head, he will
generally be allowed to cut this one from the body, and thus be entitled
to a head taker's distinct tattoo. However, the head belongs to the man
who threw the first disabling spear, and it finds its resting place in his
ato. If there is time, men of other ato may cut off the man's hands and
feet to be displayed in their ato. Sometimes succeeding sections of
the arms and legs are cut aiid taken away, so only the trunk is left on
the field.

Frequently a battle ends when a single head is taken by either side —
the victoirs calling out, ^TTow you go home, and we will go home; and
if you want to fight some other day, all right !" In this way battles
are ended in an hour or so, and often in half an hour. However, they
have battles lasting half a day, and ten or a dozen heads are taken.

Digitized by

Google

180 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. sumr. i

Seven pueblos of the lower Quiangan region went against the scattered
groups of dwellings in the Banawi area of the upper Quiangan region
in May, 1902. The invaders had seven guns, but the people of Banawi
had more than sixty — ^a fact the invaders did not know until too late.
However, they did not retire until they had lost a hundred and fifty
heads. They annihilated one of the groups of the enemy, getting about
fifty heads, and burned down the dwellings. This is by far the fiercest
Igorot battle of which there is any memory, and its ferocity is largely
due to firearms.

When a head has been taken the victor usually starts at once for his
pueblo, without waiting for the further issue of the battle. He brings
the head to his ato and it is put in a small funnel-shaped receptacle,
called "sak-o'-long," which is tied on a post in the stone court of the f awi.
The entire ato joins in a ceremony for the day and night; it is called
^^se'-dak.'^ A dog or hog is killed, the greater part of which is eaten by
the old men of the ato, while the younger men dance to the rythmic
beats of the gangsa. On the next day, "chao'-is,^^ a month's ceremony,
begins. About 7 o'clock in the morning the old men take the head to
the river. There they build a fire and place the. head beside it, while
the other men of the ato dance about it for an hour. All then sit
down on their haunches facing the river, and, as each throws a small
pebble into the water he says, "Man-i'-su, hu! hu! hu! TukukanP —
or the name of the pueblo from which the head was taken. This is to
divert the battle-ax of their enemy from their own necks. The head
is washed in the river by sousing it up and down by the hair ; and the
party returns to the fawi where the lower jaw is cut from the head,
boiled to remove the fiesh, and becomes a handle for the victor's gangsa.
In the evening the head is buried under the stones of the fawi.

In a head ceremony which began in Samoki May 21, 1903, there was
a hand, a jaw, and an ear suspended from posts in the courts of ato
Nag-pi', Ka'-wa, and Nak-a-wang', respectively. In each of the eight
ato of the pueblo the head ceremony was performed. In their dances
the men wore about their necks rich strings of native agate beads which
at other dances the women usually wear on their heads. Many had
boar-tusk armlets, some of which were gay with tassels of human hair.
Their breechcloths were bright and long. All wore their battle-axes,
two of which were freshly stained halfway up the blade with human
blood — ^they were the axes used in severing the trophies from the body of
the slain.

On the second day the dance began about 4 o'clock in the morning,
at which time a bright, waning moon fiooded the pueblo with light.
At every ato the dance circle was started in its swing, and barely ceased
for a month. A group of eight or ten men formed, as is shown in
PI. CXXXI, and danced contraclockwise around and around the

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] THB HBAD DANCB 181

small circle. Each dancer beat his blood and emotions into sympathetic
rhythm on his gangsa, and each entered intently yet joyfully into the
spirit of the occasion — ^they had defeated an enemy in the way they
had been taught for generations.

It was a month of feasting and holidays. Carabaos, hogs^ dogs^ and
chickens were killed and eaten. No work except that absolutely neces-
sary was performed, but all people — ^men, women, and children —
gathered at the ato dance grounds and were joyous together.

Each ato brought a score of loads of palay, and for two days women
threshed it out in a long wooden trough for all to eat in a great feast.
This ceremonial threshing is shown in PL CXXXII. Twenty-four
persons, usually all women, lined up along each side of the trough, and,
accompanying their own songs by rhythmic beating of their pestles on
the planks strung along the sides of the trough, each row of happy
toilers alternately swung in and out, toward and from the trough, its
long heavy pestles rising and falling with the regular "click, click,
thush; click, click, thush!^^ as they fell rebounding on the plank, and
were then raised and thrust into the palay-filled trough.

After heads have been taken by an ato any person of that ato— man,
woman, or child — ^may be tattooed; and in Bontoc pueblo they maintain
that tattooing may not occur at any other time, and that no person,
unless a member of the successful ato, may be tattooed.

After the captured head has been in the earth under the fawi court
of Bontoc about three years it is dug up, washed in the river, and placed
in the large basket, the so-lo'-nang, in the fawi, where doubtless it is
one of several which have a similar history. At such time there is a
three-day's ceremony, called "min-pa-fa'-kal is nan mo'-ldng.*' It is
a rest period for the entire pueblo, with feasting and dancing, and
three or four hogs are killed. The women may then enter the fawi; it
is said to be the only occasion they are granted the privilege.

In the fawi of ato Sigichan there are at present three skulls of men
from Sagada, one of a man from Balugan, and one of a man and two
of women from Baliwang. Probably not more than a dozen skulls are
kept in a fawi at one time. The final resting place of the skull is
again under the stones of the fawi. Samoki does not keep the skull
at all; it remains where buried under the ato court. As was stated
before, a skull is generally buried under the stones of the fawi court
whenever the omens are such that a proposed head-hunting expedition
is given up. They are doubtless, also, buried at other times when the
basket in the fawi becomes too full. Sigichan has buried twenty-eight
skulls in the memory of her oldest member — making a total of thirty-five
heads taken, say, in fifty years. Three of these were men's heads from
Ankiling, nine were men's heads from Tukukan, three were men's heads
from Barlig, three were men's heads and four women's heads from

Digitized by

Google

182 THE BONTOO IQOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

Sabangan^ and six were men's heads from Sadanga. During this same
period Sigichan claims to have lost one man's head each to Sabangan
and Sadanga.

No small children's skulls can be found in Bontoc, though some other
head-hunters take the heads even of infants. In f act^ the men of Bontoc
say that babes and children up to about 5 years of age are not killed
by the head-hunter. If one should take a child's head he would shortly
be called to fate by some watchful pinteng in language as follows:
"Why did you take that babe's head? It does not understand war.
Pretiy soon some pueblo will take your head." And the pinteng is
supposed to put it into the mind of some pueblo to get the head of that
particularly cruel man.

The friends of a beheaded person take his body home from the scene
of death. It remains one day sitting in the dwelling. Sometimes a
head is bought back from the victors at the end of a day, the usual
price paid being a carabao. After the body has remained one day in
the dwelling it is said to be buried without ceremony near the trail
leading to the pueblo which took the head. The following day the
entire ato has a ceremonial fishing in the river, called "mangro'-gao"
or "t!d-wll." A fish feast follows for the evening meal. The next day
the mang-ay'-yu ceremony occurs. At that time the men of the ato go
near the place where their companion lost his head and ask the beheaded
man's spirit, the pinteng, to return to their pueblo.

PL CXXXVI shows the burial of a beheaded corpse in Banawi in
April, 1903.^ After the head-taking the body was set up two days under
the dwelling of the dead man, and was then carried to the mountain side
in the direction of Elambulo, the pueblo which killed the man. It was
tied on a war shield and the whole tied to a pole which was borne
by two men, as is shown in PI. CXXXV. The funeral procession
was made up as follows: First, four warriors proceeded, one after the
other, along a narrow path on the dike waUs, each beating a slow rhythm
with a stick on the long, black, Banawi war shield, each shield, however,
being striped differently with white-earth paint. The corpse was borne
next, after which followed about a dozen more warriors, most of whom
carried the white-marked shield — an emblem of mourning.

About half a mile from the dwelling the party left the sementeras and
climbed up a short, steep ascent to a spot resembling the entrance to
the earth burrow of some giant animal, and there the strange corpse
was placed on the ground. A small group of people, including one
old woman, was awaiting the fimeral party. At the back end of the
burrow two men tore away the earth and disclosed a small wall of loose

J A party, consisting of the Secretary of the Interior for the Philippine Islands, Hon. Dean C.
Worcester; the governor and lieutenant-governor of Lepanto-Bontoc, William Dinwiddle and
Truman K. Hunt, respectively; Captain Chas. Nathorst of the Constabulary, and the writer,
was in Banawi in time to witness the procession and burial but not the previous ceremonies
at the dwelling.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] BURIAL OF BEHEADBD BODY 183

stones. These they removed and revealed a vertical entrance in the
earth about 2 feet high and 2^ feet wide. Through this small opening
one of the men crawled, and crouching in the narrow sepulcher scraped
up and threw out a few handfuls of earth. We were told that the
corpse before us was the fifth to be placed in that old tomb, all being
victims of the pueblo of Kambulo, and four of whom were descendants
of the first man buried at that place — certainly ^Tjlood vengeance*' with a
vengeance.

We were without means of understanding the two or three simple
oral ceremonies said over the body, but the woman played a part which
it is understood she does not in the Bontoc area. She carried a slender,
polished stick, greatly resembling a baton or ^^swagger stick,*' and with
this stood over the gruesome body, thrusting the stick again and again
toward and close to the severed neck, meanwhile repeating a short, low-
voiced something. After the body was cut from its shield a blanket
was wrapped about it — otherwise it was nude, save for a flayed-bark
breechcloth — and it was set up in the cramped sepulcher facing Kam-
bulo, and sitting supported away from the earth walls by four short
wooden sticks placed upright about it. An old bamboo-headed spear
was broken in the shaft and the two sections placed with the corpse.

The stones were again piled across the entrance, and when all was
closed except the place for one small stone a man gave a few f jureweH
thrusts through the opening with a stick, uttering at the same time a
short low sentence or two. The final stone was placed and the earth
heaped against the wall.

The pole to which the corpse was tied when borne to the burial was
placed horizontally before the tomb, supported with both ends resting
on the high side walls of the burrow, and on it were hung a dozen
white-bark headbands which were worn, evidently, as a mark of mourn-
ing, by many of the men who attended the burial.

How long it would be, in a state of nature, before the tomb would
be required for another burial is a matter of chance, but a relative,
frequently a son, nephew, or brother of the dead man, would be
expected to avenge the dead man on the. pueblo of Kambulo, with
chances in favor of success, but also with equal chances of ultimate
loss of the warrior's head and burial where six kinsmen had preceded
him.

Digitized by

Google

Chapter VII

.ESTHETIC LIFE

There is relatively little "color^' in the life of the Bontoc Igorot.
In the preceding chapter reference was made to the belief that this
lack of "color/' the monotony of everyday life, has to do with the
continuation of head-himting. The life of the Igorot is somber-hued
indeed as compared with ihat of his more advanced neighbor, the
Ilokano,

DRESS

The Bontoc Igorot is not much given to dress — under which term
are considered the movable adornments of persons. Little effort is
made by the man toward dressing the head, though before marriage
he at times wears a sprig of flowers or of some green plant tucked in
the hat at either side. The young man's suklang is also generally
more attractive than that of the married man. With its side ornaments
of human-hair tassels, its dog teeth, or mother-of-pearl disks, and its
red and yellow colors, it is often very gay.

About one hundred and fifty men in Bontoc and Samoki own and
sometimes wear at the girdle a large 7-inch disk of mother-of-pearl
shell. It is called "fi-kflmV' and its use is purely ornamental. (See
Pis. LXXX and XXX.) It is valued highly, and I have not known
half a dozen Igorot to part with one for any price. This shell orna-
ment is widespread through the country east and also south of the
Bontoc area, but nowhere is it seen plentifully, except on ceremonial
days — ^probably not a dozen are worn daily in Bontoc.

Other forms of adornment, though only a means to a permanent
end, are tiie ear stretchers and variety of ear plugs which are worn in
a slit in the ear lobe preparing it for the earring — ^the sing-sing, which
all hope to possess. The stretcher consists of two short pieces of bamboo
forced apart and so held by two short crosspieces inserted between them.
The bamboo ear stretcher is generally ornamented by straight incised
lines. The plugs are not all considered decorative. Some are bunches
of a v^etable pith (PI. CXXXVIII), others are wads of sugar-cane
184

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS]

PERSONAL ADORNMENT

185

leaves. Some, however, are wooden plugs shaped quite like an ordi-
nary large cork stopper of a bottle (PI. CXXXVII). The outer end
is often ornamented by straight incised lines or with red seeds afl&xed
with wax or with a small piece of a cheap glass mirror roughly inlaid.
The long ear slit is not the end sought, because if the owner despairs
of owning the coveted earring the stretchers and plugs are eventually
removed and the slit contracts from an inch and one-half to a quarter of
an inch or less in length. The long slit is desired because the people
consider the effect more beautiful when the ring swings and dangles
at the bottom of the pendant ear. The gold earring is the most coveted,
but a few silver and many copper rings are worn in substitution for the
gold.

Fio. 8.— Metal earrings, (a, gold; b, copi>er (both are two or three generations old and their pat-
terns are no longer made); c, copper; d, stiver.)

This is practically the extent of the everyday adornment worn by
the boys and men. Small boys sometimes wear a brass-wire bracelet;
but the brass wire, so commonly worn on the wrists, ankles, and necks
of the people east, north, and south of the Bontoc area, is not affected
by the people of Bontoc.

As has been mentioned, there is an unique display of dress by the man
at the head-taking ceremony of the ato, when some of the dancers wear
boar-tusk armlets, called ^^ab-kil^,^' and a boar-tusk necklace, called
'^fu-yay'-ya.^'

The necklace quite resembles the Indian bear-claw necklace, but it
is worn with the tusks pointing away from the breast, not toward it,
as is the case with the Indian necklace. There are about six of these
necklaces in Bontoc, and it is almost impossible to buy one, but the
armlets are more plentiful. They are worn above the biceps, and
some are adorned with a tuft of hair cut from a captured head.

The movable adornments of the woman are very similar to those
of the man.

The unmarried woman wears the flowers or green sprigs in the
hair, though less often than does the man. She wears the ear stretchers,
ear plugs, and earrings exactly as he does. Probably 60 per cent of
men and women in some way dress one ear; probably half as many
dress both ears.

The chief adornment of the woman is her hairdress. It consists

Digitized by

Google

186 THE BONTOO IGOEOT [bth-subv.!

of strings of various beads, called ^Vpong'." The hair is never combed
in its dressing, except with the fingers, but the entire hair is caught at
the base of the skull and lightly twisted into a loose roll; a string of
beads is put beneath this twist at the back and carried forward across
the head. The roll is then brought to the front of the head around the
left side; at the front it is tucked forward under the beads, being thus
held tightly in place. The twist is. carried around the head as far as
it will extend, and the end there tucked under the beads and thus
secured. One and not infrequently two additional strings of beads
are laid over the hair, more completely holding it in place.

The first string of beads placed on the head usually consists of
compact, glossy, black seeds. Frequently brass-wire rings are regu-
larly dispersed along the string. These beads are shown in PL CXLII.
The second string, with its white, lozenge-shaped stone beads
(PI. CXXXIX), is very striking and attractive against the black hair.
This string reaches its perfection when it is composied solely of spherical
agate beads the size of small marbles and the longer white stone beads
placed at regular intervals among the reddish agates. It is practically
impossible to purchase these beads, since they are heirlooms. The third
string is usually of dog teeth. They are strung alternately with black
seeds or with sections of dog rib. This string is worn over the hair,
running from the forehead aroimd the back of the head, the white
teeth resting low on the back hair, and making a very attractive adorn-
ment as they stand, points out, against the black hair. (See PL CLII.)

Igorot women dress their hair richly in their important ceremonials.
Jn an in-pug-pug' ceremony of Sipaat ato in Bontoc I saw women
wearing seven strings of agate beads on their hair and about their necks.
The woman loves to show her friends her accumulated wealth in
heirlooms, and the ato or pueblo ceremonies are the most favorable
opportunities for such display. All these various hairdress beads are
of Igorot manufacture.

I have seen Tukukan women come to Bontoc wearing a solid diadem
about the hair. It consisted of a rattan foundation encircling the head,
covered with blackened beeswax studded with three parallel rows of
encircling bright-red seeds. It made a very striking headdress.

Now and then a woman is seen wearing beads around the neck, but
the Bontoc woman almost never has such adornment. They are seen
frequently in pueblos to the west, however. The beads for everyday
wear are seeds in black, brown, and gray. There is also a small, irregu-
lar, cylindrical, wooden bead worn by the women. It is sometimes
worn in strings of three or four beads by men. I believe it id con-
sidered of talismanic value when so worn.

Many women in Mayinit and some women of Bontoc wear the heir-
loom girdle, called '^a-ko'-san/^ made of shells and brass wire encircling
a cloth girdle (see PL CXL). The cloth is made in the form of a

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] METHOD AND MEANING OP TATTOO 187

long, narrow wallet, practically concealed at the back by the encircling
wire and shells. Within this wallet the cherished agate and white
stone hairdress is often hidden away. In Mayinit this girdle is fre-
quently worn beneath the skirt, when it becomes, in every essential
and in the efEect produced, a bustle. I have never seen it so worn
in Bontoc.

DECORATION

Under this head are classed all the forms of permanent adornment
of the person.

First must be cited the cutting and stretching of the ear. Whereas
the long, pendant earlobe is not the end in itself, nor is the long slit
always permanent, yet the mutilation of the ear is permanent and
desired. In a great many cases the lobe breaks, and the two, and even
three, long strips of lobe hanging down seem to give their owner certain
pride. Often the lower end of one of these strips is pierced and
supports a ring! The sexes share alike in the preparation for and the
wearing of earrings.

The woman has a permanent decoration of the nature of the "switch^'
of the civilized woman. The loose hair combed from the head with
the fingers is saved, and is eventually rolled with the live hair of the head
into long, twisted strings, some of which are an inch in dicmaeter and
three feet long; some women have more than a dozen of these twisted
strings attached to the scalp. This is a common, thou^ not universal,
method of decorating the head, and the mass of lard-soaked, twisted
hair stands out prominently around the crown, held more or less in
place by the various bead hairdresses. (See Pis. CXLI and CXUI.)

TATTOO

The great permanent decoration of the Igorot is the tattoo. As
has been stated in Chapter VI on "War and Head-Hunting," all the
members — ^men, women, and children — of an ato may be tattooed when-
ever a head is taken by any person of the ato. It is claimed in Bontoc
that at no other time is it possible for a person to be tattooed. But
Tukukan tattooed some of her women in May, 1903, and this in spite
of the fact that no heads had recently been taken there. However, the
regulations of one pueblo are not necessarily those of another.

In every pueblo there are one or more men, called ^Tju-ma-fa'-tSk,"
who imderstand the art of tattooing. There are two such in Bontoc —
Toki, of Lowingan, and Finumti, of Longfoy — ^and each has practiced
his art on the other. Finumti has his back and legs tattooed in an
almost imique way. I have seen only one other at all tattooed on the
back, and then the designs were simple. A large double scallop extends
from the hip to the knee on the outside of each of Finumti's legs.

The design is drawn on the skin with ink made of soot and water.

Digitized by

Google

188 THE BONTOO IQOEOT [■th.subv.i

Then the tattooer pricks the skin through the design. The instrument
used for tattooing is called "cha-kay'-yum/' It consists of from four
to ten commercial steel needles inserted in a straight line in the end of
a wooden handle; "cha-kay^-yum^^ is also the word for needle. After
the pattern is pricked in^ the soot is powdered over it and pressed in the
openings; the tattooer prefers the soot gathered from the bottom of
ollas.

The finished tattoo is a dull^ blue black in color^ sometimes having
a greenish cast. A man in Tulubin has a tattoo across his throat which
is distinctly green^ while the remainder of his tattoo is the conmion
blue black. The newly tattooed design stands out in whitish ridges,
and these frequently, fester and produce a mass of itching sores lasting
about one month (see PL CXLVII).

The Igorot distinguishes three classes of tattoos: The chak-lag', the
breast tattoo of the head taker; pong'-o, the tattoo on the arms of men
and women; and fa^-t^k, under which name all other tattoos of both
sexes are classed. Fa'-tSk is the general word for tattoo, and pong'-o
is the name of woman^s tattoo.

It is general for boys under 10 years of age to be tattooed. Their
first marks are usually a small, half -inch cross on either cheek or a
line or small cross on the nose. One boy in Bontoc, just at the age of
puberty, has a tattoo encircling the lower jaw and chin, a wavy line
across the forehead, a straight line down the nose, and crosses on the
cheeks; but he is the youngest person I have seen wearing the jaw
tattoo — a mark quite commonly made in Bontoc when the chak-lag', or
head-taker^s emblem, is put on.

The chak-lag' is the most important tattoo of the Igorot, since it
marks its wearer as a taker of at least one human head. It there-
fore stands for a successful issue in the most crucial test of the fitness
of a person to contribute to the strength of the group of which he is a
unit. It no doubt gives its wearer a certain advantage in combat — a
confidence and conceit in his own ability, and, likely, it tends to unnerve
a combatant who has not the same emblem and experience. No matter
what the exact social importance or advantage may be, it seems that every
man in Bontoc who has the right to the emblem shows his appreciation
of the privil^e, since nine-tenths of the men wear the chak-lag'. It
consists of a series of geometric markings running upward from the
breast near each nipple and curving out on each shoulder, where it ends
on the upper arm. The accompanying plates (CXLIII to CXLIX)
give an excellent idea of the nature and appearance of the Igorot tattoo—
of course, reproductions in color would add to the effect. The distinct-
ness of the markings in the photographs is about normal.

The basis of the designs is apparently geometric. If the straight-
line designs originated in animal forms, they have now become so
conventional that I have not discovered their original form.

Digitized by

Google

JENK8] INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 189

The Bontoc woman is tattooed only on the arms. This tattoo begins
close back of the knuckles on the back of the hands, and, as soon as
it reaches the wrist, entirely encircles the arms to above the elbows.
Still above this there is frequently a separate design on the outside of
the arm; it is often the figure of a man with extended arms and sprawled

1^8.

The chak-lag^ design on the man's breast is almost invariably supple-
mented by two or three sets of horizontal lines on the biceps immediately
beneath the outer end of the main design. If the tattoo on the arms
of the woman were transferred to the arms of the man, there would
seldom be an overlapping — each would supplement the other. On the
men the lines are longer and the patterns simpler than those of the
women, where the lines are more cross-hatched and the design partakes
of the nature of patch-work.

It was not discovered that any tattoo has a special meaning, except
the head-taker's emblem; and the Igorot consistently maintains that
all the others are put on simply at the whim of the wearer. The face
markings, those on the arms, the stomach, and elsewhere on the body,
are believed to be purely aesthetic. The people compare their tattoo
with the figures of an American's shirt or coat, saying they both look
pretty. Often a cross-hatched marking is put over goiter, varicose
veins, and other permanent swellings or enlargements. Evidently they
are believed to have some therapeutic virtue, but no statement could be
obtained to substantiate this opinion.

As is shown by Pis. CXLVIII and CXLIX, the tattoo of both
Banavfd men and women seems to spring from a different form than does
the Bontoc tattoo. It appears to be a leaf, or a fern frond, but I
know nothing of its origin or meaning. There is much difference in
details between the tattoos of culture areas, and even of pueblos. For
instance, in Bontoc pueblo there is no tattoo on a man's hand, while in
the pueblos near the south side of the area the hands are frequently
marked on the backs. In Benguet there is a design popularly said to
represent the sun, which is seen commonly on men's hands. Instances
of such differences could be greatly multiplied here, but must be left
for a more complete study of the Igorot tattoo.

MUSIC

INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC

The Bontoc Igorot has few musical instruments, and all are very
simple. The most common is a gong, a flat metal drum about 1 foot
in diameter and 2 inches deep. This drum is commonly said to be
^T)rass,'' but analyses show it to be bronze.

Two gongs submitted to the Bureau of Government Laboratories,
Manila, consisted, in one case, of approximately 80 per cent copper, 15

Digitized by

Google

190 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.subv.i

per cent tin, and 5 per cent zinc ; in the other case of approximately 84
per cent copper, 16 per cent tin, 1 per cent zinc, and a trace of iron.

Early Chinese records read that tin was one of the Chinese imports
into Manila in the thirteenth century. Copper was mined and wrought
by the Igorot when the Spaniards came to the Philippines, and they
wrote regarding it that it was then an old and established industry and
art. It may possibly be that bronze was made in the Philippines
before the arrival of the Spaniard, but there is no proof of such an
hypothesis.

The gong to-day enters the Bontoc area in commerce generally from
the north — from the Igorot or Tinguian of old Abra Province — ^and no
one in the Provinces of Benguet or Lepanto-Bontoc seems to know its
source. Throughout the Archipelago and southward in Borneo there
are metal drums or "gongs'^ apparently of similar material but of
varying styles. It is commonly claimed that those of the Moro are
made on the Asiatic mainland. It is my opinion that the Bontoc gong,
or gang'-sa, originates in China, though perhaps it is not now imported
directly from there. It certainly does not enter the Island of Luzon
at Manila, or Candon in Ilokos Sur, and, it is said, not at Vigan, also
in Ilokos Sur.

In the Bontoc area there are two classes of gang'-sa; one is called
ka'-los, and the other co-ong'-an. The co-ong'-an is frequently larger
than the other, seems to be always of thicker metal, and has a more
bell-like and usually higher-pitched tone. I measured several gang'-sa
in Bontoc and Samoki, and find the co-ong'-an about 5 millimeters
thick, 52 to 55 millimeters deep, and from 330 to 360 millimeters in
diameter; the ka'-los is only about 2 to 3 millimeters thick. The Igorot
distinguishes between the two very quickly, and prizes the co-ong'-an
at about twice the value of the ka'-los. Either is worth a large price
to-day in the central part of the area — or from one to two carabaos — ^but
it is quite impossible to purchase them even at that price.

Gang'-sa music consists of two things — ^rhythm and crude harmony.
Its rhythm is perfect, but though there is an appreciation of harmony
as is seen in tiie recognition of, we may say, the "tenor'^ and ^T)ass^'
tones of co-ong'-an and ka'-los, respectively, yet in the actual music
the harmony is lost sight of by the American.

In Bontoc the gang'-sa is held vertically in the hand by a cord
passing through two holes in the rim, and the cord usually has a
human lower jaw attached to facilitate the grip. As the instrument
thus hangs free in front of the player (always a man or boy) it is
beaten on the outer surface with a short padded stick like a miniature
bass-drum stick. There is no gang'-sa music without the accompaying
dance, and there is no dance unaccompanied by music. A gang'-sa or
a tin can put in the hands of an Igorot boy is always at once productive
of music and dance.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 191

The rhythm of Igorot gang'-sa music is different from most primitive
music I have heard either in America or Luzon. The player beats
4/4 time, with the accent on the third beat Though there may be twenty
gang'-sa in the dance circle a mile distant, yet the regular pulse and
beat of the third count is always the prominent feature of the sound.
The music is rapid, there being from fifty-eight to sixty full 4/4 counts
per minute.

It is impossible for me to represent Igorot music, instrumental or
vocal, in any adequate manner, but I may convey a somewhat clearer
impression of the rhythm if I attempt to represent it mathematically.
It must be kept in mind that all the gang'-sa are beaten regularly and
in perfect time — ^there is no such thing as half notes.

The gang'-sa is struck at each italicized count, and each unitalicized
count represents a rest, the accent represents the accented beat of the
gang'-sa. The ka'-los is usually beaten without accent and without rest.
Its beats are i, £, 5, i; i, 2, 5, i; 1, 2, S, U\ 1> ^, 5, i; etc. The
co-ong'-an is usually beaten with both accent and rest. It is generally
as follows: i, £, S\ 4:; 1, £, 5', 4; JT, j^, 5', 4; i, ;8, 5', 4; etc. Some-
times, however, only the first count and again the first and second counts
are struck on the individual co-ong'-an, but there is no accent unless the
third is struck. Thus it is sometimes as follows: i, 2, 3, 4; 1, 2, 3, 4;
i, 2, 3, 4; i, 2, 3, 4; etc.; and again 1, ^, 3, 4; i, ^, 3, 4; i, 2, 3, 4;
i, ^, 3, 4; 1, Jg, 3, 4; etc. However, the impression the hearer receives
from a group of players is always of four rapid beats, the third one
being distinctly accented. A considerable volume of sound is produced
by the gang'-sa of the central part of the area ; it may readily be heard
a mile, if beaten in the open air.

In pueblos toward the western part of the area, as in Balili, Alap,
and their neighbors, the instrument is played differently and the sound
carries only a few rods. Sometimes the player sits in very un-Malayan
manner, with legs stretched out before him, and places the gang'-sa
bottom up on his lap. He beats it with the flat of both hands, producing
the rhythmic pulse by a deadening or smothering of a beat. Again the
gang'-sa is held in the air, usually as high as the face, and one or two
soft beats, just a tinkle, of the 4/4 time are struck on the inside of the
gang'-sa by a small, light stick. Now and then the player, after having
thoroughly acquired the rhythm, clutches the instrument under his arm
for a half minute while he continues his dance in perfect time and
rhythm.

The lover^s *'jews'-harp,'' made both of bamboo and of brass, is found
throughout the Bontoc area. It is played near to and in the olag
wherein the sweetheart of the young man is at the time. The instru-
ment, called in Bontoc *'ab-a'-fu,'* is apparently primitive Malayan,
and is found widespread in the south seas and Pacific Ocean.

Digitized by

Google

192 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.subv.i

The brass instFument, the only kind I ever saw in use except as a
semitoy in the hands of small boys, is from 2 to 3 inches in length,
and has a tongue, attached at one end, cut. from the middle of the
narrow strip of metal. (The Igorot make the ab-a'-fii of metal car-
tridges.) A cord is tied to the instrument at the end at which the
tongue is attached, and this the player jerks to vibrate the tongue. The
instrument is held at the mouth, is lightly clasped between the lips, and,
as the tongue vibrates, the player breathes a low, soft tune through the
instrument. One must needs get within 2 or 3 feet of the player to
catch the music, but I must say after hearing three or four men play
by the half hour, that they produce tunes the theme of which seems
to me to bespeak a genuine musical taste.

I have seen a few crude bamboo flutes in the hands of young men,
but none were able to play them. I believe they are of Ilokano intro-
duction.

A long wooden drum, hollow and cannon-shaped, and often 3 feet
and more long and about 8 inches in diameter, is common in Benguet,
and is found in Lepanto, but is not found or known in Bontoc. A
skin stretched over the large end of the drum is beaten with the flat
of the hands to accompany the music of the metal drums or gang'-sa,
also played with the flat of the hands, as described, in pueblos near
the western border of Bontoc area.

VOCAL MUSIC

The Igorot has vocal music, but in no way can I describe it — ^to say
nothing of writing it. I tried repeatedly to write the words of the
songs, but failed even in that. The chief cause of failure is that the
words must be sung — even the singers failed to repeat the songs word
after word as they repeat the words of their ordinary speech. There
are accents, rests, lengthened sounds, sounds suddenly cut short — in fact,
all sorts of vocal gjnnnastics that clearly defeated any effort to "talk*'
the songs. I believe many of the songs are wordless; they are mere
vocalizations — ^the "tra la la*' of modem vocal music; they may be the
first efforts to sing.

I was told repeatedly that there are four classes of songs, and only
four. The mang-ay-u-wSng', the laborer's song, is sung in the field
and trail. The mang-ay-y§ng^ is said to be the class of songs rendered
at all ceremonies, though I believe the doleful funeral songs are of
another class. The mang-ay-lu'-kay and the ting-ao' I know nothing
of except in name.

Most of the songs seem serious. I never heard a mother or other
person singing to a babe. However, boys and young men, friends with
locked arms or with arms over shoulders, often sing happy songs as
they walk along together. They often sing in ^^parts," and the music

Digitized by

Google

Photo l»y Worcester.

Plate CXXVIII. "ANITO HEAD" POST IN A KO'-MIS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

Plate CXXIX. A WARRIOR'S ATTACK.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'hotas by .lenks.

Plate CXXX. BATTLE-AXES.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

<
<

s: 3

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

Plate CXXXIV. SOOT-BLACKENED HUMAN SKULLS FROM ATO SIQICHAN.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] DANCING 193

produced by a tenor and a bass voice as they sing their parts in rhythm,
and with very apparent appreciation of harmony, is fascinating and often
very pleasing.

DANCING

The Bontoc Igorot dances in a circle, and he follows the circle contra-
clockwise. There is no dancing without gang'-sa music, and it is seldom
that a man dances unless he plays a gang'-sa. The dance step is slower
than the beats on the gang'-sa ; there is one complete "step'^ to every full
4/4 count. At times the "step" is simply a high-stepping slow run,
really a springing prance. Again it is a hitching movement with both
feet close to the earth, and one foot behind the other. The line of
dancers, well shown in Pis. CXXXI, GLI, and CLII, passes slowly
around the circle, now and again following the leader in a spiral move-
ment toward the center of the circle and then uncoiling backward from
the center to the path. Now and again the line moves rapidly for half
the distance of the circumference, and then slowly backs a short distance,
and again it all but stops while the men stoop forward and crouch
stealthily along as though in ambuah, creeping on an enemy. In all this
dancing there is perfect rhythm in music and movements. There is no
singing or even talking — ^the dance is a serious but pleasurable pastime
for those participating.

As is shown also by the illustrations, the women dance. They throw
their blankets about them and extend their arms, usually clutching
tobacco leaves in either hand — which are oflferings to the old men and
which some old man frequently passes among them and collects — and
they dance with less movement of tiie feet than do the men. Generally the
toes scarcely leave the earth, though a few of the older women invariably
dance with a high movement and backward pawing of one foot which
throws the dust and gravel over all behind them. I have more than once
seen the dance circle a cloud of dust raised by one pawing woman, and
the people at the margin of the circle dodging the gravel thrown back,
yet they only laughed and left the woman to pursue her peculiar and
discomforting "step.** The dancing women are generally immediately
outside the circle, and from them the rhythm spreads to the spectators
until a score of women are dancing on their toes where they stand among
the onlookers, and little girls everywhere are imitating their mothers.
The rhythmic music is fascinating, and one always feels out of place'
standing stiflf legged in heavy, hobnailed shoes among the pulsating,
rhythmic crowd. Now and again a woman dances between two men of
the line, forcing her way to the center of the circle. She is usually more
spectacular than those about the margin, and frequently holds in her
hand her camote stick or a ball of bark-fiber thread which she has spun
15223 13

Digitized by

Google

194 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth-subv.i

for making skirts. I once saw such a dancer carry the long, heavy
wooden pestle used in pounding out rice.

A few times I have seen men dance in the center of the circle some-
what as the women do, but with more movement, with a balancing and
tilting of the body and especially of the arms, and with rapid trembling
and quivering of the hands. The most spectacular dance is that of the
man who dances in the circle brandishing a head-ax. He is shown in
Pis. CLII and CLIII. At all times his movements are in perfect
-sympathy and rhythm with the music. He crouches around between the
dancers brandishing his ax, he deftly all but cuts off a hand here, an
arm or leg there, an ear yonder. He suddenly rushes forward and grin-
ningly feigns cutting off a man's head. He contorts himself in a ludi-
crous yet often fiendish manner. This dance represents the height of the
dramatic as I have seen it in Igorot life. His is truly a mimetic dance.
His colleague with the spear and shield, who sometimes dances on the
outskirts of the circle, now charging a dancer and again retreating, also
produces a true mimetic and dramatic spectacle. This is somewhat more
than can be said of the dance of the women with the camote sticks,
pestles, and spun thread. The women in no way ^^act^' — ^they simply
. purposely present the implements or products of their labors, though in it
all we see the real beginning of dramatic art.

Other areas, and other pueblos also, have different dances. In the
Benguet area the musicians sit on the earth and play the gang'-sa and
wooden drum while the dancers, a man and woman, pass back and forth
before them. Each dances independently, though the woman follows
the man. He is spectacular with from one to half a dozen blankets
swinging from his shoulders, arms, and hands.

Captain Chas. Nathorst, . of Cervantes, has told me of a dance in
Lepanto, believed by him to be a funeral dance, in which men stand
abreast in a long line with arms on each other's shoulders. In this posi-
tion they drone and sway and occasionally paw the air with one foot.
There is little movement, and what there is is sluggish and lifeless.

GAMES

Cockfighting is the Philippine sport. Almost everywhere the natives
of the Archipelago have cockfights and horse races on holidays and
Sundays. They are also greatly addicted to the sport of gambling. The
Bontoc Igorot has none of the common pastimes or games of chance.
This fact is remarkable, because the modem Malayan is such a gamester.

Only in toil, war, and numerous ceremonials does the Bontoc man
work off his superfluous and emotional energy. One might naturally
expect to find Jack a dull boy, but he is not. His daily round of toil
seems quite sufficient to keep the steady accumulation of energy at a
natural poise, and his head-hunting offers him the greatest game of
skill and chance which primitive man has invented.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] IGOROT FORMALITIES 195

FORMALITIES

The Igorot has almost no formalities, the "etiquette" which one can
recognize as binding "form." When the American came to the Islands
he found the Christians exceedingly polite. The men always removed
their hats when they met him, the women always spoke respectfully, and
some tried to kiss his hand. Every house, its contents and occupants, to
which he might go was his to do with as he chose. Such characteristics,
however, seem not to belong to the primitive Malayan. The Igorot meets
you face to face and acts as though he considers himself your equal —
both you and he are men — and he meets his fellows the same way.

When Igorot meet they do not greet each other with words, as most
modem people do. As an Igorot expressed it to me they are "all same
dog'^ when they meet. Sometimes, however, when they part, in passing
each other on the trial, one asks where the other is going.

The person with a load has the right of way in the trail, and others
stand aside as best they can.

There is commonly no greeting when a person comes to one's house,
nor is there a greeting between members of a family when one returns
home after an absence even of a week or more.

Children address their mothers as "I'-na," their word for mother, and
address their father as "A'-ma," their word for father. They do this
throughout life.

Igorot do not kiss or have other formal physical expression to show
affection between friends or relatives. Mothers do not kiss their babes
even.

The Igorot has no formal or common expression of thankfulness.
Whatever gratitude he feels must be taken for granted, as he never
expresses it in words.

When an Igorot desires to beckon a person to him he, in common with
the other Malayans of the Archipelago, extends his arm toward the
person with the hand held prone, not supine as is the custom in America,
and closes the hand, also giving a slight inward movement of the hand
at the wrist. This maimer of beckoning is universal in Luzon.

The hand is almost never used to point a direction. Instead, the head
is extended in the direction indicated — ^not with a nod, but with a
thrusting forward of the face and a protruding of the open lips; it is
a true lip gesture. I have seen it practically everywhere in the Islands,
among pagans, Mohammedans, and Christians.

Digitized by

Google

Chapter VIII

RELIGION

SPIRIT BELIEF

The basis of Igorot religion is every man's belief in the spirit world —
the animism f oimd widespread among primitive peoples. It is the belief
in the ever-present, ever-watchful a-ni^-to, or spirit of the dead, who has
all power for good or evil, even for life or death. In this world of spirits
the Igorot is bom and lives; there he constantly entreats, seeks to
appease, and to cajole; in a mild way he threatens, and he always tries
to avert; and there at last he surrenders to the more than matchful
spirits, whose numbers he joins, and whose powers he acquires.

All things have an invisible existence as well as a visible, material one.
The Igorot does not explain the existence of earth, water, fire, vegetation,
and animals in invisible form, but man^s invisible form, man's spirit,
is his speech. During the life of a person his spirit is called "ta'-ko.''
After death the spirit receives a new name, though its nature is
unchanged, and it goes about in a body invisible to the eye of man yet
unchanged in appearance from that of the living person. There seems
to be no idea of future rewards or punishments, though they say a bad
a-ni'-to is sometimes driven away from the others.

The spirit of all dead persons is called "a-ni'-to" — ^this is the general
name for the soul of the dead. However, the spirits of certain dead have
a specific name. Pin-teng' is the name of the a-ni^-to of a beheaded
person ; wul-wul is the name of the a-ni'-to of deaf and dumb persons —
it is evidently an onomatopoetic word. And wong-ong is the name of
the a-ni^-to of an insane person. Fu-ta-tu is a bad a-ni'-to, or the name
applied to the a-ni'-to which is supposed to be ostracized from respectable
a-ni'-to society.

Besides these various forms of a-ni'-to or spirits, the body itself is
also sometimes supposed to have §n existence after death. Li-mum' is
the name of the spiritual form of the human body. Li-mum' is seen
at times in the pueblo and frequently enters habitations, but it is said
never to cause death or accident. Li-mum' may best be translated by
the English term "ghost,'' although he has a definite function ascribed
to the rather fiendish "nightmare" — ^that of sitting heavily on the breast
and stomach of a sleeper.
196

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] THE SPIRIT WORLD 197

The ta'-ko, the soul of the living man, is a faithful servant of man^
and, though accustomed to leave the body at times, it brings to the person
the knowledge of the unseen spirit life in which the Igorot constantly
lives. In other words, the people, especially the old men, dream dreams
and see visions, and these form the meshes of the net which has caught
here and there stray or apparently related facts from which the Igorot
constructs much of his belief in spirit life.

The immediate surroundings of every Igorot group is the home of the
a-ni'-to of departed members of the group, though they do not usually
live in the pueblo itself. Their dwellings, sementeras, pigs, chickens,
and carabaos — in fact, all the possessions the living had — are scattered
about in spirit form, in the neighboring mountains. There the great
hosts of the a-ni'-to live, and there they reproduce, in spirit form, the
life of the living. They construct and live in dwellings, build and
cultivate sementeras, marry, and even bear children; and eventually,
some of them, at least, die or change their forms again. The Igorot do
not say how long an a-ni^-to lives, and they have not tried to answer the
question of the final disposition of a-ni'-to, but in various ceremonials
a-ni'-to of several generations of ancestors are invited to the family feast,
so the Igorot does not believe that the a-ni'-to ceases, as an a-ni'-to, in
what would be the lifetime of a person.

When an a-ni'-to dies or changes its form it may become a snake — and
the Igorot never kills a snake, except it bothers about his dwelling; or
it may become a rock — ^there is one such a-ni'-to rock on the moun-
tain horizon north of Bontoc; but the most common form for a dead
a-ni'-to to take is li'-fa, the phosphorescent glow in the dead wood of
the mountains. Why or how these various changes occur the Igorot does
not understand.

In many respects the dreamer has seen the a-ni'to world in great \
detail. He has seen that a-ni'-to are rich or poor, old or young, as were )
the persons at death, and yet there is progression, such as birth, mar-
riage, old age, and death. Each man seems to know in what part of the
mountains his a-ni'-to will dwell, because some one of his ancestors is
known to inhabit a particular place, and where one ancestor is there the
children go to be with him. This does not refer to desirability of loca-
tion, but simply to physical location — as in the mountain north of
Bontoc, or in one to the east or south.

As was stated in a previous chapter, with the one exception of tooth-
ache, all injuries, diseases, and deaths are caused directly by a-ni'-to.
In certain ceremonies the ancestral a-ni'-to are urged to care for living
descendants, to protect them from a-ni'-to that seek to harm — and
children are named after their dead ancestors, so they may be known
and receive protection. In the pueblo, the sementeras, and the moun-
tains one knows he is always surrounded by a-ni'-to. They are ever
ready to trip one up, to push him oflE the high stone sementera dikes.

Digitized by

Google

198 THE BONTOC IGOBOT [bth. subv. i

or to visit him with disease. When one walks alone in the mountain
trail he is often aware that an a-ni^-to walks close beside him; he feels
his hair creeping on his scalp, he says, and thus he knows of the a-ni'-to's
presence. The Igorot has a particular kind of spear, the sinalawitan,
having two or more pairs of barbs, of which the a-ni'-to is afraid; so
when a man goes alone in the mountains with the sinalawitan he is
safer from a-ni'-to than he is with any other spear.

The Igorot does not say that the entire spirit world, except his rela-
tives, is against him, and he does not blame the spirits for the evils they
inflict on him — it is the way things are — ^but he acts as though all are
his enemies, and he often entreats them to visit their destruction on
other pueblos. It is safe to say that one feast is held daily in Bontoc
by some family to appease or win the good will of some a-ni'-to.

At death the spirit of a beheaded person, the pin-teng', goes above to
chayya, the sky. The old men are. very emphatic in this belief. They
always point to the surrounding mountains as the home of the a-ni'-to,
but straight above to chayya, the sky, as the home of the spirit of the
beheaded. The old men say the pin-teng' has a head of flames. There
in the sky the pin-teng' repeat the life of those living in the pueblo.
They till the soil and they marry, but the society is exclusive — ^there are
none there except those who lost their heads to the enemy.

The pin-teng' is responsible for the death of every person who loses
his head. He puts murder in the minds of all men who are to be success-
ful in taking heads. He alsp sees the outrages of warfare, and visits
vengeance on those who kill babes and small children.

In his relations with the imseen spirit world the Igorot has certain
visible, material friends that assist him by warnings of good and evil.
When a chicken is killed its gall is examined, and, if found to be dark
colored, all is well ; if it is light, he is warned of some pending evil in
spirit form. Snakes, rats, crows, falling stones, crumbling earth, and
the small reddish-brown omen bird, i'-chu, all warn the Igorot of pend-
ing evil.

EXORCIST

Since the anito is the cause of all bodily afflictions the chief function
of the person who battles for the health of the afflicted is that of the
exorcist, rather than that of the therapeutist.

Many old men and women, known as "in-sflp-Hk'," are considered
more or less successful in urging the offending anito to leave the sick.
Their formula is simple. They place themselves near the afflicted part,
usually with the hand stroking it, or at least touching it, and say, "Anito,
who makes this person sick, go away." This they repeat over and over
again, mumbling low, and frequently exhaling the breath to assist the
departure of the anito — just as, they say, one blows away the dust; but
the exhalation is an open-mouthed outbreathing, and not a forceful
blowing. One of our house boys came home from a trip to a neighboring

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] THE BXOECIST 199

pueblo with a bad stone bruise for which an anito was responsible. For
four days he faithfully submitted to flaxseed poultices, but on the fifth
day we found a woman in-siip-ak' at her professional task in the
kitchen. She held the sore foot in her lap, and stroked it; she mur-
mured to the anito to go away ; she bent low over the foot, and about a
dozen times she well feigned vomiting, and each time she spat out a
large amount of saliva. At no time could purposeful exhalations be
detected, and no explanation of her feigned vomiting could be gained.
It is not improbable that when she bent over the foot she was supposed
to be inhaling or swallowing the anito which she later sought to cast
from her. In half an hour she succeeded in "removing" the offender,
but the foot was "sick^^ for four days longer, or until the deep-seated
bruise discharged through a scalpel opening. The woman unquestion-
ably succeeded in relieving the boy's mind.

When a person is ill at his home he sends for an in-siip-4k', who
receives for a professional visit two manojos of palay, or two-fifths of a
laborer's daily wage. In-sup-af are not appointed or otherwise created
by the people, as are most of the public servants. They are notified in
a dream that they are to be in-siip-ak'.

As compared with the medicine man of some primitive peoples the
in-siip-fik' is a beneficial force to the sick. The methods are all quiet and
gentle; there is none of the hubbub or noise found in the Indian lodge —
the body is not exhausted, the mind distracted, or the nerves racked.
In a positive way the sufferer's mind receives comfort and relief when
the anito is "removed," and in most cases probably temporary, often
permanent, physical relief results from the stroking and rubbing.

The man or woman oj each household acts as mediator between any
sick member of the family and the offending anito. There are several
of these household ceremonials performed to benefit the afflicted.

If one was taken ill or was injured at any particular place in the
mountains near the pueblo, the one in charge of the ceremony goes to
that place with a live chicken in a basket, a small amount of basi (a
native fermented driuk), and usually a little rice, and, pointing with
a stick in various directions, says the Wa-chao'-wad or Ay'-ug si a-fi'-Qc
ceremony — ^the ceremony of calling the soul. It is as follows :

"A-li-ka' ab a-fi'-ik Ba-long'-long en-ta-ko^ is a'-fong sang'-fu.^' The
translation is : "Come, soul of Ba-long'-long ; come with us to the house
to feast." The belief is that the person's spirit is being enticed and
drawn away by an anito. If it is not called back shortly, it will depart
permanently.

The following ceremony, called "ka-taoV" is said near the river, as
the other is in the mountains :

"A-li-ka' ta-^n-ta-ko is a'-fong ta-ko^ tay la-ting' is'-na." Freely
translated this is: "Come, come with us into the house, because it is
cold here."

Digitized by

Google

200 THE BONTOO IGOROT [■TH.axnnr.i

A common sight in the Igorot pueblo or in the traik leading out is a
man or woman, more frequently the latter, carrying the small chicken
basket, the tube of basi, and the short stick, going to the river or the
mountains to perform this ceremony for the sick.

After either of these ceremonies the person returns to the dwelling,
kills, cooks, and, with other members of the family, eats the chicken.

For those very ill and apparently about to die there is another cere-
mony, called "a'-fat," and it never fails in its object, they aflirm — ^the
afliicted always recovers. Property equal to a full year's wages is taken
outside the pueblo to the spot where the affliction was received, if it is
known, and the departing soul is invited to return in exchange for the
articles displayed. They take a large hog which is killed where the
ceremony is performed; they take also a large blue-figured blanket — ^the
finest blanket that comes to the pueblo — a battle-ax and spear, a large
pot of "preserved^' meat, the much-prized woman's bustle-like girdle,
and, last, a live chicken. When the hog is killed the person in charge
of the ceremony says: "Come back, soul of the afflicted, in trade for
these things.''

All then return to the sick person's dwelling, taking with them the
possessions just offered to the soul. At the house they cook the hog, and
all eat of it; as those who assisted in the ceremony go to their own
dwellings they carry each a dish of the cooked pork.

The next day, since the afflicted person does not die, they have another
ceremony, called "mang-mang," in the house of the sick. A chicken is
killed, and the following ceremonial is spoken from the center of the
house:

"The sick person is now well. May the foo^ become abundant; may
the chickens, pigs, and rice fruit heads be large. Bring the battle-ax to
guard the door. Bring the winnowing tray to serve the food ; and bring
the wisp of palay straw to sweep away the many words spoken near us."

For certain sick persons no ceremony is given for recovery. They are
those who are stricken with death, and the Igorot claims to know a fatal
affliction when it comes.

LUMAWIG, THE SUPREME BEING

The Igorot has personified the forces of nature. The personification
has become a single person, and to-day this person is one god, Lu-ma'-
w!g. Over all, and eternal, so far as the Igorot understands, is Lu-ma'-
wig — Lu-ma^-w!g, who had a part in the beginning of all things; who
came as a man to help the survivors and perpetuators of Bontoc; who
later came as a man to teach the people whom he had befriended, and
who still lives to care for them. Lu-ma'-wig is the greatest of spirits,
dwelling above in chayya, the sky. All prayers for fruitage and
increase — of men, of animals, and of crops — all prayers for deliverance

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] LUMAWIG, THE GOD 201

from the fierce forces of the physical world are made to him; and once
each month the pa^-tay ceremony, entreating Lu-ma'-wig for fruitage
and health, is performed for the pueblo group by an hereditary class
of men called "pa'-tay — a priesthood in process of development
Throughout the Bontoc culture area Lu-ma^-wig, otherwise known
but less frequently spoken of as Fu'-ni and Kam-bun^-yan, is the
supreme being. Scheerer says the Benguet Igorot call their "god"
Ka-bu-ni^-an — ^the same road as Kam-bun'-yan.

In the beginning of all things Lu-ma'-wig had a part. The Igorot
does not know how or why it is so, but he says that Lu-ma'-wig gave
the earth with all its characteristics, the water in its various mani-
festations, the people, all animals, and all vegetation. To-day he is
the force in all these things, as he always has been.

Once, in the early days, the lower lands about Bontoc were covered
with water. Lu-ma'-wig saw two young people on top of Mount Po^-
kis, north of Bontoc. They were Fa-tang'-a and his sister Fu'-kan.
They were without fire, as all the fires of Bontoc were put out by the
water. Lu-ma'-wig told them to wait while he went quickly to Mount
Ka-lo-wi'-tan, south of Bontoc, for fire. When he returned Fu'-kan
was heavy with child. Lu-ma'-wig left them, going above as a bird
flies. Soon the child was bom, the water subsided in Bontoc pueblo,
and Fa-tang'-a with his sister and her babe returned to the pueblo.
Children came to the household rapidly and in great numbers. Qene-
ration followed generation, and the people increased wonderfully.

After a time Lu-ma'-wlg decided to come to help and teach the
Igorot. He first stopped on Ka-lo-wi^-tan Mountain, and from there
looked over the young women of Sabangan, searching for a desirable
wife, but he was not pleased with the girls of Sabangan because they
had short hair. He next visited Alap, but the young women of that
pueblo were sickly; so he came on to Tulubin. There the marriage-
able girls were afflicted with goiter. He next stopped at Bontoc, where
he saw two young women, sisters, in a garden. Lu-ma'-wig came to
them and sat down. Presently he asked why they did not go to the
house. They answered that they must work ; they were gathering beans.
Lu-ma'-wig was pleased with this, so he picked one bean of each
variety, tossed them into the baskets — ^when presently the baskets were
filled to the rim. He married Fu'-kan, the younger of the two indus-
trious sisters, and namesake of the mother of the people of Bontoc.

After marriage he lived at Chao'-wi, in the present ato of Sigichan,
near the center of Bontoc pueblo. The large, flat stones which were once
part of Lu-ma'-wig's dwelling are still Ijdng in position, and are shown
in PI. CLIII.

Lu-ma'-w!g at times exhibited his marvelous powers. They say he
could take a small chicken, feed it a few grains of rice, and in an

Digitized by

Google

202 THE BONTOC I60B0T [bth.subv.i

hour it would be full grown. He could fill a basket with rice in a
very few moments, simply by putting in a handful of kernels. He
could cut a stick of wood in the mountains, and with one hand toss
it to his dwelling in the pueblo. Once when out in I-shil^ Mountains
northeast of Bontoc, Fa-tang'-a, the brother-in-law of Lu-ma'-wig, said to
him, "Oh, you of no value ! Here we are without water to drink. Why
do you not give us water ?^' Lu-ma'-wig said nothing, but he turned
and thrust his spear in the side of the mountain. As he withdrew the
weapon a small stream of water issued from the opening. Fa-tang'-a
started to drink, but Lu-ma^'-wig said, "Wait; the others first; you
last.^' When it came Fa-tang'-a^s turn to drink, Lu-ma^-wig put his
hand on him as he drank and pushed him solidly into the mountain.
He became a rock, and the water passed through him. Several of the
old men of Bontoc have seen this rock, now broken by others fallen
on it from above, but the stream of water still flows on the thirsty
mountain.

In an isolated garden, called "fil-lang'," now in ato Chakong,
Lu-ma^'-wig taught Bontoc how best to plant, cultivate, and gamer
her various agricultural products. Fil-lang' to-day is a unique little
sementera. It is the only garden spot within the pueblo containing
water. The pueblo is so situated that irrigating water can not be nm
into it, but throughout the dry season of 1903 — ^the dryest for years
in Bontoc — ^there was water in at least a fourth of this little garden.
There is evidently a very small but perpetual spring within the plat.
Taro now occupies the garden and is weeded and gathered by Na-wit',
an old man chosen by the old men of the pueblo for this office. Na-wif
maintains and the Igorot believe that the vegetable springs up without
planting. As the watering of fil-lang' is through the special dispen-
sation of Lu-ma'-w!g, so the taro left by him in his garden school
received from him a peculiar lease of life — it is perpetual. The people
claim that all other taro beds must be planted annually.

Lu-ma^-w!g showed the people how to build the fawi and pabafunan,
and with his help those of Lowingan and Sipaat were constructed.
He also told them their purposes and uses. He gave the people names
for many of the things about them; he also gave the pueblo its name.

He gave them advice regarding conduct — a crude code of ethics.
He told them not to lie, because good men do not care to associate
with liars. He said they should not steal, but all people should take
care to live good and honest lives. A man should have only one wife;
if he had more, his life would soon be required of him. The home
should be kept pure; the adulterer should not violate it; all should be
as brothers.

As has been previously said, the people of Bontoc claim that they did
not go to war or kill before Lu-ma'-w!g came.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK81 THE SAORED GROVES IN BONTOC 203

They say no Igorot ever divorced a wife who bore him a child, yet
they accuse Lu-ma'-wig of such conduct, but apparently seek to excuse
the act by saying that at the time he was partially insane. Fu'-kan,
Lu-ma''- wig's wife, bore him several children. One day 'she spoke very
disrespectfully to him. This change of attitude on her part somewhat
unbalanced him, and he put her with two of her little boys in a large
coflSn, and set them afloat on the river. He securely fastened the
cover of the coflBn, and on either end tied a dog and a cock. The coflRn
floated downstream unobserved as far as Tinglayan. There the bark-
ing of the dog and the crowing of the cock attracted the attention of
a man who rushed out into the river with his ax to secure such a fine
lot of pitch-pine wood. When he struck his ax in the wood a voice
called from within, "Don't do that ; I am here." Then the man opened
the coflBn and saw the woman and children. The man said his wife
was dead, and the woman asked whether he wanted her for a wife.
He said he did, so she became his wife.

After a time the children wanted to return to Bontoc to see their
father. Before they started their mother instructed them to follow
the main river, but when they arrived at the mouth of a tributary
stream they became confused, and followed the river leading them to
Kanyu. There they asked for their father, but the people killed them
and cut them up. Presently they were alive again, and larger than
before. They killed them again and again. After they had come to
life seven times they were full-grown men; but the eighth time Kanyu
killed them they remained dead. Bontoc went for their bodies, and
told Kanyu that, because they killed the children of Lu-ma'-wig, their
children would always be dying — and to-day Bontoc points to the
fewness of the houses which make up Kanyu. The bodies were buried
close to Bontoc on the west and northwest; scarcely were they interred
when trees began to grow upon and about the graves — ^they were
the transformed bodies of Lu-ma'-wig's children. The Igorot never
cut trees in the two small groves nearby the pueblo, but once a year
they gather the fallen branches. They say that a Spaniard once started
to cut one of the trees, but he had struck only a few blows when he was
suddenly taken sick. His bowels bloated and swelled and he died in
a few minutes.

These two groves are called "Pa-pa-tay^" and "Pa-pa-tay' ad So-kokV
the latter one shown in PL CLIV. Each is said to be a man, but
among some of the old men the one farthest to the north is now
said to be a woman. The reason they assign for now calling one a
woman is because it is situated lower down on the mountain than the
other. They are held sacred, and the monthly religious ceremonial of
patay is observed beneath their trees.

Digitized by

Google

204 THE BONTOO IGOEOT [bth.8ubv.i

It seems that Lu-ma'-wig soon became irritated and jealous, because
Fu'-kan was the wife of another man, and he sent word forbidding
her to leave her house. About this time the warriors of Tinglayan
returned from a head-hunting expedition. When Fu'-kan heard their
gongs and knew all the pueblo was dancing, she danced alone in the
house. Soon those outside felt the ground trembling. They looked
and saw that the house where Fu^-kan lived was trembling and swaying.
The women hastened to unfortunate Fu'-kan and brought her out of
the house. However, in coming out she had disobeyed Lu-ma^'-wig,
and shortly she died.

Lu-ma^'-wig's work was ended. He took three of his children with
him to Mount Po'-lds, on the northern horizon of Bontoc, and from
there the four passed above into the sky as birds fly. His two other
children wished to accompany him, but he denied them the request;
and so they left Bontoc and journeyed westward to Loko (Ilokos
Provinces) because, they said, if they remained, they would die. What
became of these two children is not known ; neither is it known whether
those who went above are alive now; but Lu-ma'-wig is still alive in
the sky and is still the friendly god of the Igorot, and is the force
in all the things with which he originally had to do.

Throughout the Bontoc culture area Lu-ma'-wig is the one and only
god of the people. Many said that he lived in Bontoc, and, so far as
known, they hold the main facts of the belief in him substantially as
do the people of his own pueblo.

"CHANGERS" IN RELIGION

In the western pueblos of Alap, Balili, Genugan, Takong, and Sagada
there has been spreading for the past two years a changing faith.
The people allying themselves with the new faith call themselves
"Su-pa-la'-do,'' and those who speak Spanish say they are "guardia de
honor.^'

The Su-pa-la'-do continue to eat meat, but wash and cleanse it
thoroughly before cooking. They are said also not to hold any of the
ceremonials associated with the old faith. They keep a white flag flying
from a pole near their dwelling, or at least one such flag in the section
of the pueblo in which they reside. They also believe that Lu-ma'-wig
will return to them in the near future.

A Tinguian man of the pueblo of Pay-yao^, Lepanto, a short journey
from Agawa, in Bontoc, is said to be the leading spirit in this faith of
the "guardia de honor." It is believed to be a movement taking its rise
from the restless Roman Catholic Ilokano of the coast.

In Bontoc pueblo the thought of the return of Lu-ma'-wig is laughed
at. The people say that if Lu-ma'-wig was to return they would know of
it. However, two families in Bontoc, one that of Finumti, the tattooer.

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] PRIESTS AND THBIB FUNCTIONS 205

and the other that of Kayyad, a neighbor of Finuinti, have a touch of a
changing faith. They are known in Bontoc as 0-lot^

I was not able to trace any connection between the 0-lot' and the
Su-pa-la'-do, though I presume there is some connection; but I learned
of the 0-lot' only during the last few days of my stay in Bontoc. The
0-lot' are said not to eat meat, not to kill chickens, not to smoke, and
not to perform any of the old ceremonies. However, I do not believe
they or in fact the Su-pa-la'-do neglect all ceremonials, because such a
turning from a direct, positive, and very active religious life to one of
total neglect of the old religious ceremonials would seem to be impossible
for an otherwise normal Igorot.

PRIESTHOOD

That the belief in spirits is the basis of Igorot religion is shown in
the fact that each person or each household has the necessary power and
knowledge to intercede with the anito. No class of persons has been
differentiated for this function, excepting the limited one of the dream-
appointed insupak or anito exorcists.

That belief in a supreme being is a later development than the belief
in spirits is clear when the fact is known that a differentiated class of
persons has arisen whose duty it is to intercede with Lumawig for the
people as a whole.

This religious intercessor has few of the earmarks of a priest. He
teaches no morals or ethics, no idea of future rewards or punishments,
and he is not an idle, nonproductive member of the group. He usually
receives for the consumption of his family the food employed in the
ceremonies to Lumawig, but this would not sustain the family one
week in the fifty-two. The term "priesthood" is applied to these people
for lack of a better one, and because its use is sufficiently accurate to
serve the present purpose.

There are three classes of persons who stand between the people and
Lumawig, and to-day all hold an hereditary office. The first class is
called ^TVa-kii'," of which there are three men, namely, Fug-ku-so', of
ato Somowan, Fang-u-wa', of ato Lowingan, and Cho-Wg', of ato
Sigichan. The function of these men is to decide and announce the
time of all rest days and ceremonials for the pueblo. These Wa-ku'
inform the old men of each ato, and they in turn announce the days
to the ato. The small boys, however, are the true "criers." They
make more noise in the evening before the rest day, crying ^TTSng-ao' !
whi! t€ng-ao'!" ("Rest day! hurrah! rest day!"), than I have heard
from the pueblo at any other time.

The title of the second class of intercessors is "Pa'-tay," of whom
there are two in Bontoc — Kad-lo'-san, of ato Somowan, and Fi'-Mg, of
ato Longfoy.

Digitized by

Google

206 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.bubv.i

The Pa'-tay illustrate the nature of the titles borne by all the inter-
cessors. The title is the same as the name of the ceremony or one of
the ceremonies which the person performs.

Once every new moon each Pa'-tay performs the pa'-tay ceremony in
the sacred grove near the pueblo. This ceremony is for the general
well-being of the pueblo.

The third class of intercessors has duties of a two-fold nature. One
is to allay the rain and wind storms, called ^T^aguios/^ and to drive
away the cold; and the other is to petition for conditions favorable to
crops. There are seven of these men, and each has a distinct title.
All are apparently of equal importance to the group.

Le-yod', of ato Lowingan, whose title is "Ka-lobV^ has charge of the
ka-lob' ceremony held once or twice each year to allay the baguios.
Ang'-way, of ato Somowan, whose title is "Chi-nam'-wi/^ presides over
the chi-nam'-wi ceremony to drive away the cold and fog. This
ceremony usually occurs once or twice each year in January, Febmiary,
or March. He also serves once each year in the fa-kil' ceremony for
rain. Cham-lang'-an, of ato Filig, has the title "Po-chang','^ and he
has one annual ceremony for large palay. A fifth intercessor is Som-kad',
of ato Sipaat; his title is "Su'-wat.^^ He performs two ceremonies
annually — one,. the su'-wat, for palay fruitage, and the other a fa-kil'
for rains. Ong-i-yud', of ato Fatayyan, is known by the title of
"Ke'-^ng.^^ He has two ceremonies annually, one ke'-eng and the
other tot-o-lod'; both are to drive the birds and rats from the fruiting
palay. Som-kad', of ato Sigichan, with the title "O-ki-ad',^^ has charge
of three ceremonies annually. One is o-ki-ad', for the growth of beans ;
another is los-kod', for abundant camotes, and the third is fa-kil', the
ceremony for, rain. There are four annual fa-ldl' ceremonies, and
each is performed by a different person.

SACRED DAYS

TSng-ao' is the sacred day, the rest day, of Bontoc. It occurs on an
average of about every ten da3^s throughout the year, though there
appears to be no definite regularity in its occurrence. The old men
of the two ato of Lowingan and Sipaat determine when t§ng-ao' shall
occur, and it is a day observed by the entire pueblo.

The day is publicly announced in the pueblo the preceding evening.
If a person goes to labor in the fields on a sacred day — ^not having
heard the announcement, or in disregard of it — ^he is fined for ^T^reak-
ing the Sabbath." The old men of each ato discover those who have
disobeyed the pueblo law by working in the field, and they announce
the names to the old men of Lowingan and Sipaat, who promptly take
from the lawbreaker firewood or rice or a small chicken to the value of
about 10 cents, or the wage of two days. March 3, 1903, was tSng-ao'

Digitized by

Google

JKNK8] CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH AGRICULTUEE 207

in Bontoc, and I saw ten persons fined for working. The fines are
expended in buying chickens and pigs for the pa'-tay ceremonies of the
pueblo.

CEREMONIALS

A residence of five months among a primitive people about whom no
scientific knowledge existed previously is evidently so scant for a study
of ceremonial life that no explanation should be necessary here. How-
ever, I wish to say that no cldm is made that the following short
presentation is complete — in fact, I know of several ceremonies by
name about which I can not speak at all with certainty. Time was
also insuflScient to get accurate translations of all ceremonial utterances
which are here presented.

There is great absence of formalism in uttering ceremonies, scarcely
two persons speak exactly the same words, though I believe- the purport
of each ceremony, as uttered by two people, to be the same. This
looseness may be due in part to the absence of a developed cult having
the ceremonies in charge from generation to generation.

CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH AGRICULTURE
POCHANG ^

This ceremony is performed at the close of the period Pa-chog^, the
period when rice seed is put in the germinating beds.

It is claimed there is no special oral ceremony for Po-chang^.
The proceeding is as follows: On the first day after the completion
of the period Pa-chog' the regular monthly Pa'-tay ceremony is held.
On the second day the men of ato Sigichan, in which ato Lumawig
resided when he lived in Bontoc, prepare a bunch of runo as large around
as a man^s thigh. They call this the "cheL-n^g^/^ and store it away
in the ato fawi, and outside the fawi set up in the earth twenty or more
runo, called ^^pa-chi^-pad — ^the piid-i-piid' of the harvest field.

The bunch of runo is for a constant reminder to Lumawig to make
the yoting rice stalks grow large. The pa-chi'-pad are to prevent
Igorot from other pueblos entering the fawi and thus seeing the
efficacious bundle of runo.

During the ceremony of Lis-lis, at the close of the annual harvest
of palay, both the cha-n6g' and the pa-chi'-pad are destroyed by
burning.

CHAKA

On February 10, 1903, the rice having been practically all trans-
planted in Bontoc, was begun the first of a five-day general ceremony
for abundant and good fruitage of the season^s palay. It was at the
close of the period I-na-na'.

The ceremony of the first day is called "Su-yak'.^* Each group of

Digitized by

Google

208 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.8ubv.i

kin — all descendants of one man or woman who has no living ascend-
ants— Skills a large hog and makes a feast. This day is said to be
passed without oral ceremony.

The ceremony of the second day was a double one. The first was
called ^Wa-lit'^^ and the second "Mang'-mang.'^ From about 9.30 imtil
11 in the forenoon a person from each family — ^usually a woman —
passed slowly up the steep mountain side immediately west of Bontoc
These people went singly aid in groups of two to four, following trails
to points on the; mountain's crest. Each woman carried a small earthen
pot in which was a piece of pork covered with basi. Bach also carried
a chicken in an open-work basket, while tucked into the basket was a
round stick about 14 inches long and half an inch in diameter. This
stick, ^^o'-lo,'' is kept in the family from generation to generation.

When the crest of the mountain was reached, each person in turn
voiced an invitation to her departed ancestors to come to the Mang'-mang
feast. She placed her oUa of basi and pork over a tiny fire, kindled
by the first pilgrim to the mountain in the morning and fed by each
arrival. Then she took the chicken from her basket and faced the west,
pointing before her with the chicken in one hand and the lo^-lo in the
other. There she stood, a solitary figure, performing her sacred mission
alone. Those preceding her were slowly descending the hot mountain
side in groups as they came; those to follow her were awaiting their
turn at a distance beneath a shady tree. The fire beside her sent up
its thin line of smoke, bearing through the quiet air the fragrance of
the basi.

The woman invited the ancestral anito to the feast, saying:

"A-ni'-to ad Lo'-ko, su-ma-a-kay'-yo ta-in-mang-mang^-ta-ko ta-ka-
ka'-n6n si mu^-t^g" Then she faced the north and addressed the spirit
of her ancestors there: "A-ni'-to ad La'-god, su-ma-a-kay'-yo ta-in-
mang-mang'-ta-ko ta-ka-ka'-n5n si mu'-tSg.'' She faced the east, gaz-
ing over the forested mountain ranges, and called to the spirts of the
past generation there : ^^A-ni'-to ad Bar'-Hg su-ma-a-kay'-yo ta-in-mang-
mang'-ta-ko ta-ka-ka-nSn si mu-tSg.'^

As she brought her sacred objects back down the mountain another
woman stood alone by the little fire o^ the crest.

The returning pilgrim now puts her fowl and her basi olla inside
her dwelling, and likely sits in the open air awaiting her husband as he
prepares the feast. Outside, directly in front of his door, he builds a
fire and sets a cooking olla over it. Then he takes the chicken from its
basket, and at his hands it meets a slow and cruel death. It is held
by the feet and the hackle feathers, and the wings unfold and droop
spreading. While sitting in his doorway holding the fowl in this
position the man beats the thin-fieshed bones of the wings with a short,
heavy stick as large around as a spear handle. The fowl cri6s with
each of the first dozen blows laid on, but the blows continue \mtil

Digitized by

Google

X
X

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Q
O

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

rhoto by Martin.

Plate CXXXVIII. AN EAR PLUG OF 8UQAR-CANE LEAVES.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Q
Q
<

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

rhoto by Jenks.

Plate CXL. WOMAN'S BUSTLE-LIKE QIRDLE.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.
Plate CXLI. I^ROT WOMAN, SHOWING ROLLS OF HAIR.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'hoto by Martin.

Plate CXLII. THE "SWITCH" HELD IN PLACE BY BEADS.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by VVon-i'ster.

Plate CXLIII. A TATTCWED BONTOC MAN.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS] CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH AGRICULTURE 209

each wing has received fully half a hundred. The injured bird is
then laid on its back on a stone, while its head and neck stretch out
on the hard surface. Again the stick falls, cruelly, regularly, this
time on the neck. Up and down its length it is pummeled, and as
many as a hundred blows fall — ^fall after the cries cease, after the eyes
close and open and close again a dozen times, and after the bird is dead.
The head receives a few sharp blows, a jet of blood spurts out, and
the ceremonial killing is past. The man, still sitting on his haunches,
still clasping the feet of the pendent bird, moves over beside his fire,
faces his dwelling, and voices the only words of this strangely cruel
scene. His eyes are open, his head unbending, and he gazes before
him as he earnestly asks a blessing on the people, their pigs, chickens,
and crops.

The old men say it is bad to cut off a chicken's head — ^it is like taking
a human head, and, besides, they say that the pummeling makes the
flesh on the bony wings and neck larger and more abundant — so all
fowls killed are beaten to death.

After the oral part of the ceremony the fowl is held in the flames
till all its feathers are burned off. It is cut up and cooked in the
oUa before the door of the dwelling, and the entire family eats of it.

Each family has the Mang'-mang ceremony, and so also has each
broken household if it possesses a sementera — though a lone woman
calls in a man, who alone may perform the rite connected with the
ceremonial killing, and who must cook the fowl. A lone man needs
no woman assistant.

Though the ancestral anito are religiously bidden to the feast, the
people eat it all, no part being sacrificed for these invisible guests.
Even the small olla of basi is drunk by the man at the beginning of
the meal.

The rite of the third day is called "Mang-a-pu'-i.^' The sementeras
of growing palay are visited, and an abundant fruitage asked for.
Early in the morning some member of each household goes to the
mountains to get small sprigs of a plant named ^^pa-lo'-ki.*' Even as
early as 7.30 the pa-lo'-ki had been brought to many of the houses,
and the people were scattering along the different trails leading to
the most distant sementeras. If the family owned many scattered
fields, the day was well spent before all were visited.

Men, women, and boys went to the bright-green fields of young
palay, each carrying the basket belonging to his sex. In the basket
were the sprigs of pa-lo'-ki, a small olla of water, a small wooden dish
or a basket of cooked rice, and a bamboo tube of basi or tapui. Many
persons had also several small pieces of pork and a chicken. Ab they
passed out of the pueblo each carried a tightly bound club-like torch of
burning palay straw; this woidd smolder slowly for hours.
15223 14

Digitized by

Google

210 THE BONTOC IGOEOT C«TH.flUBv.i

On the stone dike of each sementera the owner paused to place three
small stones to hold the oUa. The bundle of smoldering straw was
picked open till the breeze fanned a blaze; dry sticks or reeds quickly
made a small^ smoking fire imder the olla, in which was put the pork
or the chicken, if food was to be eaten there. Frequently, too, if
the smoke was low, a piece of the pork was put on a stick punched into
the soil of the sementera beside the fire and the smoke enwrapped the
meat and passed on over the growing field.

As soon as all was arranged at the fire a small amount of basi was
poured over a sprig of pa-lo'-M which was stuck in the soil of the
sementera, or one or two sprigs were inserted, drooping, in a split in a
tall, green runo, and this was pushed into the soil. While the person
stood beside the efl&cacious pa-lo'-ki an invocation was voiced to Luma-
wig to bless the crop.

The olla and piece of pork were at once put in the basket, and the
journey conscientiously continued to the next sementera. Only when
food was eaten at the sementera was the halt prolonged.

A-^g-ka-cho' is the name of the function of the fourth day. On
that day each household owning sementeras has a fish feast.

At that season of the year (February), while the water is low in the
river, only tibe very small, sluggish fish, called 'Tcacho," is commonly
caught at Bontoc. Between 200 and 300 pounds of those fish, only
one in a hundred of which exceeded 2^ inches in length, were taken from
the river during the three hours in the afternoon when tibe ceremonial
fishing was in progress.

Two large scoops, one shown in PI. XIIX, were used to catch the
fish. They were a quarter of a mile apart in the river, and were
operated independently.

At the house the fish were cooked and eaten as is described in the
section on ^'Meals and mealtime.^^

When this fish meal was past the last observance of the fourth day
of the Cha'-ka ceremonial was ended.

The rite of the last day is called ^Ta'-tay.'' It is observed by two
old Pa'-tay priests. Exactly at high noon Kad-lo'-san left his ato
carrying a chicken and a smoldering palay-straw roll in his haiid, and
the unique basket, tak-fa', on his shoulder. He went tmaccompanied
and apparently unnoticed to the small grove of trees, called "Parpa-tay'
ad So-kok'.'^ Under the trees is a space some 8 or 10 feet across,
paved with flat rocks, and here the man squatted and put down his
basket From it he took a two-quart olla containing water, a small
wooden bowl of cooked rice, a bottle of native cane sugar, and a
head-ax. He next kindled a blaze under the olla in a fireplace of three
stones already set up. Then followed the ceremonial killing of the
chicken, as described in the Mang'-mang rite of the second day. With

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH AGRICULTURE 211

the scarcely dead fowl held before him the man earnestly addressed a
short supplication to Lumawig.

The fowl was then turned over and around in the flame until all
its feathers were burned off. Its crop was torn out with the fingers.
The ax was struck blade up solid in the ground, and the legs of the
chicken cut off from the body by drawing them over the sharp ax
blade, and they were put at once into the pot. An incision was cut
on each side of the neck, and the body torn quickly and neatly open,
with the wings still attached to the breast part. A glad exclamation
broke from the man when he saw that the gall of the fowl was dark
green. The intestines were then removed, ripped into a long string,
and laid in the basket. The back part of the fowl, with liver, heart,
and gizzard attached, went into the now boiling pot, and the breast
section followed it promptly. Three or four minutes after the bowl
of rice was placed immediately in front of the man, and the breast
part of the chicken laid in the bowl on the rice. Then followed these
words: "Now the gall is good, we shall live in the pueblo invulnerable
to disease.*'

The breast was again put in the pot, and as the basket was packed
up in preparation for departure the anito of ancestors were invited to
a feast of chicken and rice in order that the ceremony might be
blessed.

At the completion of this supplication the Pa'-tay shouldered his
basket and hastened homeward by a different route from which he came.

If a chicken is used in this rite it is cooked in the dwelling of the
priest and is eaten by the family. If a pig is used the old men of
the priest's ato consume it with him.

The perfoimance of the rite of this last day is a critical half hour
for the town. If the gall of the fowl is white or whitish the palay
fruitage will be more or less of a failure. The crop last year was
such — ^a whitish gall gave the warning. If a crow flies cawing over
the path of the Pa'-tay as he returns to his dwelling, or if the dogs
bark at him, many people will die in Bontoc. Three years ago a man
was killed by a falling bowlder shortly after noon on this last day's
ceremonial — a flying crow had foretold the disaster. If an eagle flies
over the path, many houses will bum. Two years ago an eagle warned
the people, and in the middle of the day fifty or more houses burned
in Bontoc in the three ato of Pokisan, Luwakan, and XJngkan.

If none of these calamities are foretold, the anito enemies of Bontoc
are not revengeful, and the pueblo rests in contentment.

SUWAT

This ceremony, performed by Som-kad' of ato Sipaat, occurs in the
first period of the year, I-na-na'. The usual pig or chicken is killed,
and the priest says : "In-fi-kfls'-na ay pa-kii' to-mo-no'-ka ad chay'-ya."
This is: "Fruit of the palay, grow up tall, even to the sky."

Digitized by

Google

212 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.buby.i

KEENG

Ke'-gng ceremony is for the protection of the palay. Ong-i-yud', of
ato Fatayyan, is the priest for this occasion, and the ceremony occurs
when the first fruit heads appear on the growing rice. They claim two
good-sized hogs are killed on this day. Then Ong-i-yud' takes a MMao,
the bird-shaped bird scarer, from the pueblo and stealthily ducks
along to the sementera where he suddenly erects the scarer. Then he
says :

U-mi-chang^-ka 8Ik-a

Ti-lln^ In kad La^-god yad Ap^-lay

8lk''-a c'-tot in lo-ko-lo^-ka nan fu-i^-mo.

Freely translated, this is —

Ti-lln'' [the rice bird], you go away into the north

country and the south country
You, rat, you go into your hole.

TOTOLOD

This ceremony, tot-o-lod', occurs on the day following ke'-eng, and
it is also for the protection of the rice crop. Ong-i-yud' is the priest
for both ceremonies.

The usual hog is killed, and then the priest ties up a bundle of palay
straw the size of his arm, and walks to the south side of the pueblo
"as though stalking deer in the tall grass.^^ He suddenly and boldly
throws the bundle southward, suggesting that the birds and rats follow
in the same direction, and that all go together quickly.

This ceremony is recorded in the chapter on "Agriculture" in the
section on "Harvesting," page 103. It is simply referred to here in
the place where it would logically appear if it were not so intimately
connected with the harvesting that it could not be omitted in presenting
that phase of agriculture.

LISLIS

At the close of the rice harvest, at the beginning of the season
Li'-pas, the lis-lis ceremony is widely celebrated in the Bontoc area.
It consists, in Bontoc pueblo, of two parts. Each family cooks a
chicken in the fireplace on the second floor of the dwelling. This
part is called "cha-p^ng'." After the cha-pSng' the public part of the
ceremony occurs. It is called "fflg-fflg'-to," and is said to continue
three days.

Fiig-ffig'-to in Bontoc is a man^s rock fight between the men of
Bontoc and Samoki. The battle is in the broad bed of the river between
the two pueblos. The men go to the conflict armed with war shields.

Digitized by

Google

JBNXS] CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH CLIMATE 213

and they pelt each other with rocks as seriously as in actual war.
There is a man now in Bontoc whose leg was broken in the conflict
of 1901, and three of our four Igorot servant boys had scalp wounds
received in lis-lis rock conflicts.

A river cuts in two the pueblo of Alap, and that pueblo is said to
celebrate the harvest by a rock fight similar to that of Bontoc and
Samoki.

It is said by Igorot that the Sadanga lis-lis is a conflict with runo
(or reed) spears, which are warded oflf with the war shields.

It is claimed that in Sagada the public part of the ceremony consists
of a mud fight in the sementeras, mud being thrown by each contend-
ing party.

L08KOD

This ceremony occurs once each year at the time of planting camotes,
in the period of Ba-li'-ling.

Som-kad' of ato Sigichan is the pueblo "priest" who performs the
los-kod' ceremony. He kills a chicken or pig, and then petitions
Lumawig as follows: "Lo-mos-kod'-kay to-ki'." This means, "May
there be so many camotes that the ground will crack and burst open."

OKIAD

Som-kad' of ato Sigichan performs the o-ki-ad' ceremony once each
year during the time of planting the black beans, or ba-la'-tong, also
in the period of Ba-li'-ling.

The petition addressed to Lumawig is said after a pig or chicken has
been ceremonially killed; it runs as follows: "Ma-o'-yed si ba-la'-tong,
Ma-o'-ygd si fu'-tug, Ma-o'-y§d nan i-pu-kao'." A free translation is,
"May the beans grow rapidly ; may the pigs grow rapidly ; and may the
people [the children] grow rapidly."

KOPUS

Ko'-pus is the name given the three days of rest at the close of the
period of Ba-li'-llng. They say there is no special ceremony for ko'-pus,
but some time during the three days the pa'-tay ceremony is performed.

CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH CLIMATE
FAKIL

The Pa-kil' ceremony for rain occurs four times each year, on four
succeeding days, and is performed by four different priests. The
ceremony is simple. There is the usual ceremonial pig killing by the
priest, and each night preceding the ceremony all the people cry:
"I-teng'-ao ta-ko nan fa-kiF." This is only an exclamation, meaning,
"Rest day ! We observe the ceremony for rain !" I was informed that
the priest has no separate oral petition or ceremony, though it is
probable that he has.

Digitized by

Google

214 . THE BONTOO IGOBOT [■XH.sxjBy.i

KALOB

Once or twice each year, or maybe once in two years, in January
or February, a cold, driving rain pours itself on Bontoc from the north.
It often continues for two or three days, and is a miserable storm to
be out in.

If this storm continues three or four days, Le-yod', of ato Lowingan,
performs the following ceremony in his dwelling: *^Ma-kis-kis'-kay
li-fo'-o min-chi-kang'-ka ay fat-a'-wa ta-a'-yu nan fa'-ki lo-lo'-ta." A
very free translation of this is as follows: ^TTou fogs, rise up rolling.
Let us have good weather in all the world I All the people are very poor.*'

Following this ceremony Le-yod' goes to Chao'-wi, the site of Luma-
wig's former dwelling in the pueblo, shown in PL CLIII, and there he
builds a large fire. It is claimed the fierce storm always ceases shortly
after the ka-lob' is performed.

CHINAMWI

Ang'-way of ato Somowan performs the chi-nam'-wi ceremony once
or twice each year during the cold and fog of the period Sama, when
the people are standing in the water-filled sementeras turning the soil,
frequently working entirely naked.

Many times I have seen the people shake — arms, legs, jaw, and
body — during those cold days, and admit that I was touched by the
ceremony when I saw it.

A hog is killed and each household gives Ang'-way a manojo of palay.
He pleads to Lumawig: "Tum-ke'-ka ay li-fo'-o ta-a-ye'-o nan in
sa-ma'-mi.^' This prayer is: "No more cold and fog! Pity those
working in the sementeral'*

CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH HEAD TAKING*
KAFOKAB

Ka-fo'-kab is the name of a ceremony performed as soon as a party
of successful head-hunters returns home. The old man in charge at
the fawi says: *Tha-kay^-yo fo^-so-mi ma-pay-!ng'-an. Cha-kay'-mi
in-kgd-se'-ka-mi nan ka-nln'-mi to-kom-ke'-ka." This is an exultant
boast — it is the crow of the winning cock. It nms as follows: 'Tfou,
our enemies, we will always kill you! We are strong; the food we eat
makes us strong V

CHANOTU

There is a peculiar ceremony, called "chang'-tii,'' performed now and
then when i'-chu, the small omen bird, visits the pueblo.

This ceremony is held before each dwelling and each pabafunan in

1 See also the stOTf, "Who took my father's head?" Chapter IX, p225.

Digitized by

Google

JHNKfl) CEREMONY CX)NNECTED WITH ATO 215

the pueblo. A chicken is killed, and usually both pork and chicken
are eaten. The man performing the Chang^-tii says:

Slk^-a tan-ang^-a slk^-a lu^-f Clb ad Sa-dang'-a nan ay-yam^ Slk^-a ta-lo^-lo ad Lag-
ged nan ay-yam^ Slk^-a ta-lo^-lo ye^-mod La^-god nan fe-no wat^-mo yad Ap^-lay."

This speech is a petition running as follows:

**Yoa, the anito of a person beheaded by Bontoe, and you, the anito of a person
who died in a dwelling, you all go to the pueblo of Sadanga [that is, you destruct-
ive spirits, do not visit Bontoe; but we suggest that you carry your mischief to the
pueblo of Sadanga, an enemy of ours] . You, the anito of a Bontoe person beheaded
by some other pueblo, you go into the north country, and you, the anito of a Bon-
toe person beheaded by some other pueblo, you carry the palay-straw torch into the
north country and the south country [that is, friendly anito, once our fellow-citi-
zens, bum the dwellings of our enemies both north and south of us].

In this petition the purpose of the Chang'-tiL is clearly defined.
The faithful i'-chu has warned the pueblo that an anito, perhaps an
enemy, perhaps a former friend, threatens the pueblo; and the people
seek to avert the calamity by making feasts— every dwelling preparing
a feast. Each household then calls the names of the classes of malig-
nant anito which destroy life and property, and suggests to them that
they spend their fury elsewhere.

CEREMONY CONNECTED WITH ATO

Young men sometimes change their membership from one a^-to to
another. It is said that old men never do. There is a ceremony of
adoption into a new a'-to when a change is made; it is called *^pu-ke'^^
or "pal-iig-pgg'.** At the time of the ceremony a feast is made, and
somie old man welcomes the new member as follows :

If you die first, you must look out for us, since we wish to live long [that is, your
spirit must protect us against destructive spirits], do not let other pueblos take our
heads. If you do not take this care, your spirit will find no food when it comes to
the a^-to, because the a-'-to will be empty — we will all be dead.

Digitized by

Google

Chapter IX

MENTAL LIFE

The Igorot does not know many things in common with enlightened
men, and yet one constantly marvels at his practical knowledge. Tylor
says primitive man has "rude, shrewd sense." The Igorot has more —
he has practical wisdom.

ACTUAL KNOWLEDGE

Concerning cosmology, the Igorot believes Lumawig gave the earth
and all things connected with it. Lumawig makes it rain and storm,
gives day and night, heat and cold. The earth is "just as you see it."
It ceases somewhere a short distance beyond the most distant place an
Igorot has visited. He does not know how it is supported. 'TVhy
should it fall?" he asks. "A pot on the earth does not fall." Above
is chayya, the sky — ^the Igorot does not know or attempt to say what
it is. It is up above the earth and extends beyond and below the
visible horizon and the limit of the earth. The Igorot ddes not know
how it remains there, and a man once interrupted me to ask why it
did not fall down below the earth at its limit.

"Below us," an old Igorot told me, "is just bones."

The sun is a man called "Chal-chal'." The moon is a woman
named "Ka-bi-gaf." "Once the moon was also a sun, and then it was
always day; but Lumawig made a moon of the woman, and since then
there is day and night, which is best."

There are two kinds of stars. "Fat-ta-ka'-kan" is the name of large
stars and "tiik-fi'-fi" is the name of small stars. The stars, are all
men, and they wear white coats. Once they came down to Bontoc
pueblo and ate sugar cane, but on being discovered they all escaped
again to chayya.

Thunder is a gigantic wild boar crying for rain. A Bontoc man
was once killed by Ki-cho', the thunder. The unfortunate man was
ripped open from his legs to his head, just as a man is ripped and
torn by the wild boar of the mountains. The lightning, called ^TTiip-
yiip," is also a hog, and always accompanies Ki-cho'.

Limiawig superintends the rains. Li-fo'-o are the rain clouds —
216

Digitized by

Google

J»NK8) METHODS OF COUNTING 217

they are smoke. "At night Lumawig has the li-fo'-o come down to the
river and get water. Before morning they have carried up a great deal
of water; and then they let it come down as rain.^^

Earthquakes are caused by Lumawig. He places both hands on the
edge of the earth and quickly pushes it back and forth. They do not
know why he does it.

Eegarding man himself the Igorot knows little. He says Lumawig
gave man and all man^s f unctionings. He does not know the function-
ing of blood, brain, stomach, or any other of the primary organs of the
body. He says the bladder of men and animals is for holding the water
they drink. He knows that a man begets his child and that a woman^s
breasts are for supplying the infant food, but these two functionings
are practically all the facts he knows or even thinks he knows about
his body.

MBNSUBATION

Under this title are considered all forms of measurement used by
the Igorot.

NU1CBEB8

The most common method of enumerating is that of the finger count.
The usual method is to count the fingers, b^inning with the little
finger of the right hand, in succession touching each finger with the
forefinger of the other hand. The count of the thumb, li'-ma,^^ five,
is one of the words for hand. The sixth count begins with the little finger
of the left hand, and the tenth reaches the thumb. The eleventh count
begins with the little finger of the right hand again, and so the count
continues. The Igorot system is evidently decimal. One man, however,
invariably recorded his eleventh count on his toes, from which he returned
to the little finger of his right hand for the twenty-first count

A common method of enumerating is one in which the record is
kept with small pebbles placed together one after another on the
ground.

Another method in frequent use preserves the record in the. number
of sections of a slender twig which is bent or broken half across for
each count.

When an Igorot works for an American he records each day by a
notch in a small stick. A very neat record for the month was made by
one of our servants who prepared a three-sided stick less than 2 inches
long. Day by day he cut notches in this stick, ten on each edge.

When a record is wanted for a long time-^as when one man loans
another money for a year or more — he ties a knot in a string for each
peso loaned.

The Igorot subtracts by addition. He counts forward in the total
of fingers or pebbles the number he wishes to subtraqt, and then he
again counts the remainder forward.

Digitized by

Google

218 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth. subv. i

LINEAL MBASUBB

The distance between the tips of the thumb and middle finger extended
and opposed is the shortest linear measure used by the Igorot^ although
he may measure by eye with more detail and exactness, as when he
notes half the above distance. This span measure is called "chang'-an"
or "i'-sa chang'-an/^ "chu'-wa chang'-an/* etc.

Chi-pa' is the measure between the tips of the two middle fingers
when the arms are extended full length in opposite directions. Chi-
wan' si chi-pa' is half the above measure, or from the tip of the
middle finger of one hand, arm extended from side of body, to the
sternum.

These three measures are most used in handling timbers and boards
in the construction of buildings.

Cloth for breechcloths is measured by the length of the forearm,
being wound about the elbow and through the hand, quite as one coils
up a rope.

Long distances in the mountains or on the trail are measured by the
length of time necessary to walk them, and the length of time is told by
pointing to the place of the sim in the heavens at the hour of departure
and arrival.

Bice sementeras are measured by the number of cargoes of palay
they produce. Besides this relatively exact measure, sementeras pro-
ducing up to five cargoes are called "small," pay-yo' «y fa-nig'; and
those producing more than five are said to be "large," pay-yo' chiik-
chfik'-wag.

1CEA8UBEMENT OF ANIMALS

The idea of the size of a carabao, and at the same time a crude estimate
of its age and value, is conveyed by representing on the arm the length
of the animal's horns.

The size of a hog and, as with the carabao, an estimate of its value
is shown by representing the size of the girth of the animal by clasping
the hands around one's leg. For instance, a small pig is represented
by the' size of the speaker's ankle, as he clasps both hands around it;
a larger one is the size of his calf; a still larger one is the size of a
man's thigh; and one still larger is represented by the thigh and calf
together, the calf being bent tightly against the upper leg. To represent
a still larger hog, the two hands circle the calf and thigh, but at some
distance from them.

The Bontoc Igorot has no system of liquid or dry measure, nor has
he any system of weight.

THE CALENDAB

The Igorot has no mechanical record of time or events, save as he
sometimes cuts notches in a stick to mark the fiight of days. He is
apt, however, in memorizing the names of ancestors, holding them for

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] THB OALENDAB 219

half a dozen generations^ but he keeps no record of age^ and has no
adequate conception of such a period as twenty years. He has no
conception of a cycle of time greater than one year, and, in fact, it is
the rare man who thinks in terms of a year. When one does he speaks
of the past year as tin-mo-win', or i-san^ pa-na'-ma.

Prominent Igorot have insisted that a year has only eight moons,
and other equally sane and respected men say it has one hundred. But
among the old men, who are the wisdom of the people, there are those
who Imow and say it has thirteen moons.

They have noted and named eight phases of the moon, namely : The
one-quarter waxing moon, called "fis-ka'-na ;^^ the two-quarters waxing
moon, "ma-no'- wa,'^ or "ma-lang'-ad ;^' the three-quarters wajcing moon,
'"kat-no-wa'-na"' or "nap-no';'' the full moon, "fit-fi-tay'-gg ;'' the three-
quarters waning moon, ^*ka-tol-pa-ka'-na'' or "ma-tll-pa'-kan/' the two-
quarters waning moon, *Td-sul-fi-ka'-na f the one-quarter waning moon,
sig-na'-a-na'' or *Tca-f a-ni-ka'-na /' and the period following tiie last,
when there is but a faint rim of light, is called ^^i'-meng*' or "ma-a-mas'.''

0 3 0

Fls-ka'-na. Ma-no'-wa. Kat-no-wa'-na. PIt-fl-tay'-8g.

O € O O

Ka-tol-pa-ka'-na. Ki-sul-fl-ka'-na. SIg-na'-a-na. Li'-m6ng.

Fig. 9. — Recognized phases of the moon.

However, the Igorot do seldom count time by the phases of the moon,
and the only solar period of time they know is that of the day. Their
word for day is the same as for sun, a-qu'. They indicate the time
of day by pointing to the sky, indicating the position the sun occupied
when a particular event occurred.

There are two seasons in a year. One is Cha-kon', having five moons,
and the other is Ka-sip', having eight moons. The seasons do not
mark the wet and dry periods, as might be expected in a country having
such periods. Cha-kon' is the season of rice or "palay" growth and
harvest, and Ka-sip' is the remainder of the year. These two seasons,
and the recognition that there are thirteen moons in one year, and that
day follows night, are the only natural divisions of time in the Igorot
calendar.

He has made an artificial calendar differing somewhat in all pueblos
in name and number and length of periods. In all these calendars the
several periods bear the names of the characteristic industrial occupa-
tions which follow one another successively each year. Eight of these

Digitized by

Google

220 THE BONTOC IGOEOT £bth.8ubv.i

periods make up the calendar of Bontoc pueblo^ and seven of them
have to do with the rice industry. Each period receives its name
from that industry which characterizes its beginning, and it retains this
name until the beginning of the next period, although the industry
which characterized it may have ceased some time before.

I-na-na' is the first period of the year, and the first period of the
season Cha-kon^. It is the period, as they say, of no more work in the
rice sementeras — ^that is, practically all fields are prepared and trans-
planted. It began in 1903 on February 11. It lasts about three
months, continuing imtil the time of the first harvest of the rice or
"palay^^ crop in May; in 1903 this was until May 2. This period is not
a period of "no work^' — it has many and varied labors.

The second period is La^-tiib. It is that of the first harvests, and lasts
some four weeks, ending about June 1.

Cho'-ok is the third period. It is the time when the bulk of the
palay is harvested. It occiupies about four weeks, running over in 1903
two days in July.

Li'-pas is the fourth period. It is that of "no more palay harvest,^'
and lasts for about ten or fifteen days, ending probably about July 15.
This, is the last period of the season Cha-kon^.

The fifth period is Ba-li'-ling. It is the first period of the season
Ka-sip^. It takes its name from the general planting of camotes, and
is the only one of the calendar periods not named from the rice industry.
It continues about six weeks, or until near the Ist of September.

Sa-gan-ma^ is the sixth period. It is the time when the sementeras
to be used as seed beds for rice are put in condition, the earth being
turned three different times. It lasts about two months. November
15, 1902, the seed rice was just peeping from the kernels in the beds of
Bontoc and Sagada, and the seed is sown immediately after the third
turning of the earth, which thus ended early in November.

Pa-chog' is the seventh period of the annual calendar. It is the
period of seed sowing, and begins about November 10. Although the
seed sowing does not last many days, the period Pa-chog' continues five
or six weeks.

Sa'-ma is the last period of the calendar. It is the period in which
the rice sementeras are prepared for receiving the young plants 'and
in which these seedlings are transplanted from the seed beds. The last
Sa'-ma was near seven weeks' duration. It began about December 20,
1903, and ended February 10, 1903. Sa'-ma is the last period of the
season Ka-sip', and the last of the year.

The Igorot often says that a certain thing occurred in La'-tub, or
will occur in Ba-li'-ling, so these periods of the calendar are held in
mind as the civilized man thinks of events in time as occurring in
some particular month.

Digitized by

Google

JKNKS] ORIGIN OF HEAD-HUNTING 221

The Igorot have a tradition that formerly the moon was also a sun,
and at that time it was always day. Lnmawig told the moon to be
"moon/^ and then there was night. Such a change was necessary, they
say, so the people would know when to work— «that is, when was the
right time, the right moon, to take up a particular kind of labor.

FOLK TALES

The paucity of the pure mental life of the Igorot is nowhere more
clearly shown than in the scarcity of folk tales.

I group here sev^i tales which are quite commonly known among the
people of Bontoc. The second, third, fourth, and fifth are frequently
related by the parents to their children, and I heard all of them the
first time from boys about a doz^i years old. I believe these tales are
nearly all the pure fiction the Igorot has created and perpetuated from
generation to generation, except the Lumawig stories.

The Igorot story-tellers, with one or two exceptions, present the bare
facts in a colorless and lifeless manner. I have, therefore, taken the
liberty of adding slightly to the tales by giving them some local color-
ing, but I have neither added to nor detracted from the facts related.

THE SUN MAN AND MOON WOMAN ; OR, ORIGIN OP HEAD-HUNTING

The Moon, a woman called ^^a-bi-gat','* was one day making a large
copper cooking pot. The copper was soft and plastic like potter's clay.
Ka-bi-gaf held the heavy sagging pot on her knees and leaned the
hardened rim against her naked breasts. As she squatted there — ^turn-
ing, pattiQg, shaping, the huge vessel — ^a son of the man Chal-chal,^ the
Sun, came to watch her. This is what he saw : The Moon dipped her
paddle, called *'p!p-i^,'' in the water, and rubbed it dripping over a
smooth, rounded stone, an agate with ribbons of colors wound about
in it Then she stretched one long arm inside the pot as far as she
could. 'T?ub, tub, tub,'' said the ribbons of colors as Ka-bi-gaf pounded
up against the molten copper with the stone in her extended hand.
"Slip, slip, slip, slip," quickly answered plp-i', because the Moon was
spanking back the many little rounded domes which the stone bulged
forth on the outer surface of the vessel. Thus the huge bowl grew
larger, more symmetrical, and smooth.

Suddenly the Moon looked up and saw the boy intently watching the
swelling pot and the rapid playing of the paddle. Instantly the Moon
struck him, cutting off his head.

Chal-chal' was not there. He did not see it, but he knew Ka-bi-gat'
cut off his son's head by striking with her p^p-i'.

He hastened to the spot, picked the lad up, and put his head where
it belonged — and the boy was alive.

Digitized by

Google

222 THE BONTOO IGOBOT [bth.su«7.i

Then the Sun said to the Moon:

"See, because you cut off my son's head, the people of the Earth
are cutting off each other's heads, and will do so hereafter/'

"And it is so," the story-tellers continue; "they do cut off each
other's heads."

ORIGIN OP COLING, THE SERPENT EAGLE*

A man and woman had two boys. Every day the mother sent them
into the mountains for wood to cook her food. Each morning as she
sent them out she complained about the last wood they brought home.

One day they brought tree limbs; the mother complained, saying:

"This wood is bad. It smokes so much that I can not see, and soon I
shall be blind." And then she added, as was her custom :

*Tf you do not work well, you can have only food for dogs and pigs."

That day, as usual, the boys had in their topil for dinner only boiled
camote vines, such as the hogs eat, and a small allowance of rice, just
as much as a dog is fed. At night the boys brought some very good
wood — ^wood of the pitch-pine tree. In the morning the mother com-
plained that such wood blackened the house. She gave them pig food in
their topil, saying:

"Pig food is good enough for you because you do not work welL"

That night each boy brought in a large bundle of nmo. The mother
was angry, and scolded, saying:

'This is not good wood; it leaves too many ashes and it dirties the
house."

In the morning she gave them dog food for dinner, and the boys
again went away to the mountains. They were now very thin and
poor because they had no meat to eat. By and by the older one said:

"You wait here while I climb up this tree and cut off some branches."
So he climbed the tree, and presently called down:

"Here is some wood" — ^and the bones of an arm dropped to the
ground.

"Oh, oh," exclaimed the younger brother, "it is your arm!"

Again the older boy called, "Here is some more wood" — and the
bones of his other arm fell at the foot of the tree.

Again he called, and the bones of a leg dropped; then his other leg
fell. The next time he called, down came the right half of his ribs;
and then, next, the left half of his ribs; and immediately thereafter
his spinal column. Then he called again, and down fell his hair.

The last time he called, "Here is some wood," his skull dropped on
the earth under the tree.

iThe bird called •'co-ling'" by the Bontoc Igorot la the serpent eagle (Spilomit hototpUlui
VIgora). It B^mB to be found In no itection of Bontoc Proylnce except near Bontoc pueblo.

There were four of these large, tireless creatures near the pueblo, but an American shot one in
1900. The other three may be seen day In and day out, high above the mountain range west of the
pueblo, sailing like aimless pleasure boats. Now and then they utter their penetrating cry of
"qu-iu'-kok."

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] ORIGIN OF THE MONKEY 223

"Here, take those things home/^ said he. "Tell the woman that this
is her wood; she only wanted my bones."

"But there is no one to go with me down the moimtains," said the
younger boy.

'TTes; I will go with you, brother/' quickly came the answer from
the tree top.

So the boy tied up his bundle, and, putting it on- his shoulder,
started for the pueblo. As he did so the other — ^he was now Co-ling' —
soared from the tree top, always flying directly above the boy.

When the younger brother reached home he put his bundle down,
and said to the woman:

"Here is the wood you wanted.'*

The woman and the husband, frightened, ran out of the house; they
heard something in the air above them.

"Qu-iu'-kok! qu-iu'-kok! qu-iu'-kok!" said Co-ling', as he circled
around and around above the house. "Qu-iu'-kok! qu-iu'-kok!" he
screamed, "now camotes and palay are your son. I do not need your
food any longer."

ORIGIN OP TILIN, THE RICEBIRD^

As the mother was pounding out rice to cook for supper, her little
giri said:

"Give me some mo'-ting to eat."

"No," answered the mother, "mo'-ting is not good to eat ; wait until
it is cooked."

"No, I want to eat mo'-ttng," said the little giri, and for a long
time she kept asking her mother for raw rice.

At last her mother interrupted, "It is bad to talk so much."

The rice was then all pounded out. The mother winnowed it clean,
and put it in her basket, covering it up with the winnowing tray.
She placed an empty oUa on her head and went to the spring for water.

The anxious little girl reached quickly for the basket to get some
rice, but the tray slipped from her grasp and fell, covering her beneath
it in the basket.

The mother returned with the water to cook supper. She heard a
bird crying, ^^ing! king! nik! nik! nik!" When the woman uncov-
ered the basket, Tilin, the little brown ricebird, flew away, calling:

"Good-bye, mother; good-bye, mother; you would not give me moo-
ting!"

• ORIGIN OF KAAG, THE MONKEY

The palay was in the milk and maturing rapidly. Many kinds of
birds that knew how delicious juicy palay is were on hand to get their
share, so the boys were sent to stay all day in the sementeras to
frighten these little robbers away.

1 Mtmia ^ayori^(MarteiiB).

Digitized by

Google

224 THE BONTOC IGOROT [bth.8ubv.i

Every day a father sent out his two boys to watch his palay in a
narrow gash in the mountain; and every day they carried their small
basket full of cooked rice, white and delicious, but their mother put
no meat in the basket.

Finally one of the boys said :

"It is bad not to have meat to eat; every day we have only rice/'

"Yes, it is bad," said his brother, ^^e can not keep fat without
meat; we are getting poor and thin, and pretty soon we shall die.''

"That is true," answered the other boy; "pretty soon we shall die.
I believe I shall be ka'-ag."

And during the day thick hair came on this boy's arms; and then
he became hairy all over; and then it was so — ^he was ka'-ag, and he
vanished in the moimtains.

Then soon the other boy was ka'-ag, too. At night he went home
and told the father :

"Your boy is ka^-ag; he is in the mountains."

The boy ran out of the house quickly. The father went to the
mountains to get his boy, but ka'-ag ran up a tall tree; at the foot of
the •tree was a pile of bones. The father called his son, and ka'-ag
came down the tree, and, as the father went toward him, ka^-ag stood
up clawing and striking at the man with his hands, and breathing a
rough throat cry like this :

"Haa!haa!haa!"

Then the man ran home crying, and he never got his boys.

Pretty soon there was a-sa^-wan nan ka^-ag^ with a babe. Then
there were many little children; and then, pretty soon, the mountains
were full of monkeys.

ORIGIN OF GAYYANG, THE CROW, AND FANIAS, THE LARGE LIZARD

There .were two young men who were the very greatest of friends.

One tattooed the other beautifully. He tattooed his arms and his
legs, his breast and his belly, and also his back and face. He marked
him beautifully all over, and he rubbed soot from the bottom of an oUa
into the marks, and he was then very beautiful.

When the tattooer finished his work he turned to his friend, and
said: "Now you tattoo me beautifully, too."

So the young men scraped together a great pile of black, greasy soot
from pitch-pine wood; and before the other knew what tiie tattooed
one was doing he rubbed soot over him from finger tip to fijiger tip.
Then the black one asked:

"Why do you tattoo me so badly?"

Without waiting for an answer they began a terrible combat. When,

1 "A wife monkey."

Digitized by

Google

z
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Martin.

Plate CXLV. AN ELABORATE TATTOO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'hoto by Martin.

Plate CXLVI. A SIMPLE TATTOO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Jenks.

PUATE CXLVII. BONTOC WOMAN'S TATTOO, (a) OLD; (^) NEW.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

PUTE CXLVIII. AN ELABORATE BANAWI TATTOO.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Photo by Worcester.

Plate CXLIX. TATTCX) OF A BANAWI WOMAN.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

I'hoto by Murtin.

PlATI CL. QANQ'-8A, SHOWING HUMAN-JAW HANDLE.

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

z
<

h
z

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

X
X

I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

CO
O

z
g

III

Z
I-

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Ij
o

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

JUNKS] THE FIRST HEAD TAKING 225

suddenly, the tattooed one was a large lizard, fa-ni'-as,^ and he ran
away and hid in the tall grass; and the sooty black one was gay-yang,
the crow,* and he flew away and up over Bontoc, because he was ashamed
to enter the pueblo after quarreling with his old friend.

OWUG, THE SNAKE

The old men say that a man of Mayinit came to live in Bontoc, as
he had married a Bontoc woman and she wished to live in her own
town.

After a while the man died. His friends came to the funeral, and
a snake, o-wfig^, also came. When the people wept, o-wfig' cried also.
When they put the dead man in the grave, and when they stood there
looking, o-wftg^ came to the grave and looked upon the man, and then
went away.

Later, when the friends observed the death ceremony, o-wftg' also
came.

^'0-wftg^ thus showed himself to be a friend and companion of the
Igorot. Sometime in the past he was an Igorot, but we have not heard,^^
the old men say, ^Vhen or how he was o-wiig'.'^

^TV'e never kill o-wiig'; he is our friend. If he crosses our path on
a journey, we stop and talk. If he crosses our path three or four times,
we return home, because, if we continue our journey then, some of us
will die. O'wHg' thus comes to tell us not to proceed; he knows the
bad anito on every trail.'*

WHO TOOK MY FATHER'S HEAD?

The Bontoc people have another folk tale regarding head taking.
In it Lumawig, their god, taught them how to discover which pueblo
had taken the head of one of their members. They repeat this story
as a ceremony in the pabafunan after every head lost, though almost
always they know what pueblo took it. It is as follows :

"A very, great time ago a man and woman had two sons. Far up in
the mountains they owned some garden patches. One day they told
the boys to go and see whether the stone wall about the garden needed
repair; but the boys said they did not wish to go, so the father went
alone. As he did not return at nightfall, his sons started into the
mountains to find him. They boimd together two small bunches of
runo for torches to light up the steep, rough, twisting trail. One
torch was burning when they went out, and they carried the other to
light them home again. Nowhere along the trail did they find their
father; he had not been injured in the path, nor could they find where
he had fallen over a cliff. So they passed on to the garden; there
they found their father's headless body. 'They searched for blood in

1 An Iguana some two feet long. < CoroM phUippa ( Bouap. ) .

15223 15

Digitized by

Google

226 THE BONTOC IGOEOT [bth. surv. i

the bushes and grass, but they found nothing — no blood, no enemies'
tracks.

"They carried the strange corpse down the mountain trail to their
home in Bontoc. Then they hastened to the pabafunan, and there
they told the men what had befallen their father. The old men
counseled together, and at last one of them said: Tjumawig told the
old men of the past, so the old men last dead told me, that should any
son find his father beheaded, he should do this: He should ask, ^T\^ho
took my father's head? Did Tukukan take it? Did Sakasakan take
it ?" and Lumawig said, ^He shall know who took his father's head.' "

"So the boys took a basket, the fangao, to represent Lumawig, and
stuck it full' of chicken feathers. Before the fangao they placed a small
cup of basi. Then squatting in front with the cup at their feet they
put a small piece of pork on a stick and held it over the cup. *Who
took my father's head? — did Tukukan?' they asked. But the pork and
the cup and the basket all remained still. ^Did Sakasakan?' asked the
boys — all was as before. They went over a list of towns at enmity with
Bontoc, but there was no answer given them. At last they asked,
^Did the Moon?' — but still there was no answer. Did the Sun?' the
boys asked, and suddenly the piece of pork slid from the stick into the
basi. And this was the way Lumawig had said a person should know
who took his father's head.

"The Sun, then, was the guilty person. The two boys took some
dogs and hastened to the moimtains where their father was killed.
There the dogs took up the scent of the enemy, and followed it in a
straight line to a very large spring where the water boiled up, as at
Mayinit where the salt springs are. The scent passed into this bub-
bling, tumbling water, but the dogs could not get down. When the dogs
returned to land the elder brother tried to enter, but he failed also. Th«i
the younger brother tried to get down; he succeeded in going beneath
the water, and there he saw the head of his father, and young men in
a circle were dancing around it — ^they were the children of the Sun. The
brother struck off the head of one of these young men, caught up his
father's head, and, with the two heads, escaped. When he reached
his elder brother the two hastened home to their pueblo."

Digitized by

Google

Chapter X

LANGUAGE

INTRODUCTION

The language of the Bontoc Igorot is suflRciently distinct from all
others to be classed as a separate dialect. However, it is originally
from a parent stock which to-day survives more or less noticeably over
probably a much larger part of the surface of the earth than the
tongue of any other primitive people.

The language of every group of primitive people in the Philippine
Archipelago, except the Negrito, is from that same old tongue. Mr.
Homer B. Hulbert* has recorded vocabularies of ten groups of people
in Formosa; and those vocabularies show that the people belong to the
same great linguistic family as the Bontoc Igorot. Mr. Hulbert
believes that the language of Korea is originally of the same stock as
that of Formosa. In concluding his article he says:

We find therefore that out of a vocabulary of fifty words there are fifteen in
which a distinct similarity [between Korean and Formosan] can be traced, and in
not a few of the fifteen the similarity amounts to practical identity.

The Malay language of Malay Peninsula, Java, and Sumatra is from
the same stock language. So are many, perhaps all, the languages of
Borneo, Celebes, and New Zealand. This same primitive tongue is
spread across the Pacific and shows unmistakably in Fiji, New Hebrides,
Samoa, and Hawaii. It is also found in Madagascar.

ALPHABET

The Bontoc man has not begun even the simplest form, of permaijent
mechanical record in the line of a written language, and no vocabulary
of the language has before been published.

1 The Korean Bevlew, July, 1908, pp. 289-3M.

227

Digitized by

Google

228 THE BONTOO IGOBOT [bth.subv.i

The following alphabet was used in writing Bontoc words in this study :

a as in far; Spanish ramo

d \%m law; as o in French or
ay as in ai in aide; Spanish hay
00 as oti in out; as au in Spanish axUo

6 as in bad; Spanish bajar
c/i as in check; Spanish chico

rf as in dog; Spanish dar

e as in they; Spanish haM

^ as in (hen; Spanish comen

f as in fight; Spanish ^rmar

g as in ^ro; Spanish gozar

h as in he; Tagalog bahay

i as in pique; Spanish hijo

I as in pick

ib as in keen

I as in lamb; Spanish lente
m as in man; Spanish menos

n as in now; Spanish jabon
ng as in finger; Spanish lengtia

o as in note; Spanish nosotros
oi as in boU

p as in poor; Spanish pero

q as c/i in German ich

9 as in sauce; Spanish sordo
sh Qsin shall; as c/i in French charmer

t as in touch; Spanish tomar

u as in rule; Spanish uno

a as in but

ti as in German kuhl ,

V as in valve'; in Spanish volver

u; as in vnill; nearly as ou in French out

y as in you; Spanish ya

The sounds which I have represented by the unmarked vowels a, e,
i, 0, and u, Swettenham and Clifford in their Malay Dictionary represent
by the vowels with a circumflex accent. The sound which I have
indicated by u they indicate by d. Other variations will be noted.

The sound represented by a, it must be noted, has not always the
same force or quantity, depending on an open or closed syllable and the
position of the vowel in the word.

So far as I know there is no r sound in the Bontoc Igorot language.
The word ^Igorof ' when used by the Bontoc man is pronounced Igolot.
In an article on "The Chamorro language of Guam" ^ it is noted that
in that language there was originally no r sound but that in modem
times many words formerly pronounced by an I sound now have that
letter replaced by r.

1 WilUam Edwin Safford, American Anthropologist, April-June, 1908, p. 2(18.

Digitized by

Google

JBNKB] STBUCTUBB OF NOUNS 229

LINGUISTIC INCONSISTENCIES

The language of the Bontoc area is not stable^ but is greatly shifting.
In pueblos only a few hours apart there are not only variations in
pronunciation but in some cases entirely different words are used,
and in a single pueblo there is great inconsistency in pronunciation.

It is often impossible to determine the exact sound of vowels, even
in going over common words a score of times with as many people^
The accent seems very shifting and it is often difficult to tell where
it belongs.

Several initial consonants of words and syllables are commonly inter-
changed, even by the same speaker if he uses a word more than once
during a conversation. That this fickleness is a permanency in the
language rather than the result of the present building of new words
is proved by ato names, words in use for many years — ^probably many
hundred years.

One of the most frequent interchanges is that of 6 and /. This is
shown in the following ato names: Bu-yay'-ySng or Fu-yay'-ySng;
Ba-tay'-yan or Pa-tay'-yan; Bi'-lig or Fi'-lig; and Long-boi' or Long-
foi'. It is also shown in two other words where one would naturally
expect to find permanency — ^the names of the men^s public buildings in
the ato, namely, ba'-wi or fa'-wi, and pa-ba-bu'-nan or pa-ba-fu'-nan.
Other common illustrations are found in the words ba-to or f a-to
(stone) and ba-bay'-i or fa-fay^-i (woman).

Another constant interchange is that of ch and d. This also is
shown well in names of ato, as follows: Cha-kong' or Da-kong'; Pud-
pud-chog' or Pud-pud-dog'; and Si-gi-chan' or Si-gi-dan'. It is shown
also in chiMa or di'-la (tongue).

The interchange of initial k and g is constant. These letters are
interchanged in the following names of ato: Am-ka'-wa or Am-ga'-wa;
Lu-wa'-kan or Lu-wa'-gan; and TJng-kan' or XJng-gan'. Other illustra-
tions are ku'-l!d or gu'-lld (itch) and ye'-ka or ye'-ga (earthquake).

The following three words illustrate both the last two interchanges:
Cho'-ko or Do'-go (name of an ato) ; pag-pa-ga'-da or pag-pa-ka'-cha
(heel) ; and ka-cho' or ga-de'-o (fish).

NOUNS

The nouns appear to undergo slight change to indicate gender, num-
ber, or case. To indicate sex the noun is followed by the word for
woman or man — as, a'-su fa-fay'-i (female dog), or a'-su la-la'-ki
(male dog). The same method is employed to indicate sex in the
case of the third personal pronoun Si'-a or Si-to-di'. Si'-a la-la'-ki or
Si-to-di' la-la'-ki is used to indicate the masculine gender, and Si'-a
fa-fay'-i or Si-to-di' fa-fay'-i the feminine.

Digitized by

Google

230 THE BONTOO IGOROT [bth.bubv.i

The plural form of the noun is sometimes the same as the singular.
Plural number may also be expressed by use of the word ang-san (many)
or am-in' (all) in addition to the noun. It is sometimes expressed by
repetition of syllables, as la-la'-ki (man), la-la-la'-ki (men) ; sometimes,
also, by the prefix ka together with repetition of syllables, as li-fo'-o
(cloud), ka-li'-fo-li-fo'-o (clouds). There seems to be no definite law
in accordance with which these several plural forms are made. When in
need of plurals in this study the singular form has always been used
largely for simplicity.

PRONOUNS

The personal pronouns are:

Sak-Yn'

You

Slk-a^

He, she

Si^'-a and Si-to-di^

Cha-ta'-ko and Cha-ka^-rai

You

Cha-kay''-yo

They

Cha-i-cha and Cha-to-di'

Examples of the possessive

IftW '

as indicated in the first person are given

XKJVf .

My father

A-mak^

My dog

A-suk^

My hand

Li-mak^

Our father

A-ma^-ta

Our dog

A-8U^-ta

Our house

A-fong^-ta

Other examples of the possessive are not at hand, but these given
indicate that, as in most Malay dialects, a noun with a possessive suflSx
is one form of the possessive.

Scheerer^ gives the possessive suffixes of the Benguet Igorot as
follows:

My ib, after a, t, o, and u, otherwise *ko

^ ^ }m, after a, i, o, and w, otherwise 'mo

}.o

Your

His

Her

Our (inc.) *tayo

Our (exc.) 'me

Your 'dio

Their *cha or Va

These possessive suffixes in the Benguet Igorot language are the
same, according to Scheerer, as the sufiixes used in verbal formation.

The verbal suffixes of the Bontoc Igorot are very similar to those of
the Benguet. It is therefore probable that the possessive suffixes are
also very similar.

^Otto Scheerer (MS.). The n>aloi Igorot, MS. Coll., Ethnological Survey for the Philip-
pine iBlandB.)

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8] COMPARATIVE VOCABULARIES 231

It is interesting to note that in the Chamorro language of Guam the
possessive snflBxes for the first person correspond to those of the Igorot —
my is Ico and our is ta,

VERBS

Mention has been made of the verbal suffixes. Their use is shown
in the following paradigms :

I eat Sak-In'^ mang-an-ak''

You eat 8Ik-a^ mang-an-ka^

He eats Si-to-di^ maDg-an^

We eat Cha-ka''-mi mang-an-ka-mi''

You eat Cha-kay^-yo mang-an-kay'-o

They eat Cha-toHdi'' mang-an-cha^

I go Sak-In^ u-mi-ak^

You go 8lk-a' u-mi-ka'

He goes Si-to-di^ u-mi'

We go Cha-ka-mi^ u-mi-ka-mi^

You go Cha-kay^-yo u-mi-kay'-yo

They go Cha-to-di^ u-mi-cha^

The suffixes are given below, and the relation they bear to the
personal pronoims is also shown by heavy-faced type :

I 'ak Sak-In^

You (sing) *ka Sik-a^

He ... Si^-a or Si-taKii^

We kami or tako Cha-ka'-mi or Cha-t«'-ko

You kayo Cha-kaj'-jo

They cha Cha-to-di'' or cha-i^-oha

The Benguet suffixes as given by Scheerer are:

I 'ko or 'ak

You *mo or *ka

He 'to

We |«^«

Itayo

You 'kayo or 'dio

They 'ra or *cha

The verbal suffixes seem to be commonly used by the Bontoc Igorot
in verbal formations. The tense of a verb standing alone seems always
indefinite; the context alone tells whether the present, past, or future
is indicated.

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARIES

About eighty-five words have been selected expressing simple ideas.
These are given in the Bontoc Igorot language and as far as possible
in the Benguet Igorot; they are also given in the Malay and the Sulu
languages.

Of eighty-six words in both Malay and Bontoc 32 per cent are clearly

Digitized by

Google

232

THE BONTOC IGOBOT

[BTH. SUBV. 1

derived from the same root words, and of eighty-four words in the
Sulu and Bontoe 46 per cent are from the same root words. Of sixty-
eight words in both Malay and Benguet 34 per cent are from the
same root words, and 47 per cent of sixty-seven Benguet and Sulu
words are from the same root words. Of sixty-four words in Bontoe
and Benguet 58 per cent are the same or nearly the same.

These facts suggest the movement of the Philippine people from the
birthplace of the parent tongue, and also the great family of existing
allied languages originating in the primitive Malayan language. They
also suggest that the Bontoe and the Benguet peoples came away
quite closely allied from the original nest, and that they had association
with the Sulu later than with the Malay.

[In the following compilation works have been consulted respectiyely as follows: Malay— Hugh
Clifford and Frank Athelstane Swettenham, A Dictionary of The Malay Language (Taiping,
Perak; in parts, Part I appearing 1994, Part III appearing 1904); Sulu— Andson Cowie, English-
Sulu-Malay Vocabulary, with Useful Sentences, Tables, etc. (London, 1898); Benguet Igorot—
otto Scheerer, The Ibaloi Igorot, MS. in MS. Coll., The Ethnological Survey for the Philippine
Islands.]

English

Malay

Sulu

Benguet Igorot

Bontoe Igorot

Ashes

Abu

Aba

D«-pok

Cha-pu'

Bad

J&hat (wicked)

Mang-i. ngi

Ngag

Black

HlUm

Itam

An-to'-leng

In-nl'-tit

Blind

Buta

BQU

Sa-gei a ku'-rab*

Na-kl'-mIt

Blood

D&rah

DQgOh

Cha'-la

Bone

Tdlang

BQkog

Pu'-gil

Ung-«t'

Bum, to

B&kar

SQnog

FIn-mi'-chan

Chicken

Anak &yam

Anak-manok

Mo-nok'

Child

Anak

Batah, anak

A-a'-nak

Ong-ong'-a

Come

M&ri

M&rl

A-ll-ka'

Cut. to

POtong

Hoyah

Kom-pol'

Kd-ke'-chun

Day

Hftrl

Adlau

A-kou

A-qu'

Die. to

M&U

Mat&i

Ma-ti'

Dog

Anjing

Erok

A-su'

A'-su

Drink, to

Mtnum

Hinom, minom

U-mi-num'

Bar

Tfilinga

T&Inga

Tatffc-i'-da

Ko-wSng'

Earthquake

Gdmpa t&nah

Linog

Y6k-y6k

Ye'-ga

Bat, to

M&kan

Ka-aun

Kanin

f Mang-an'
^ Ka-kan'

Bight

Dll&pan

W4ia

Gua'-lo

Wa-lo'

Bye

M&ta

M&U

Ma-to

Ma-U'

Father

B&pa

Amah

A-ma

A'-ma

Finger nail

Kuku

KQkQ

Ko-go

Ko-ko'

Fire

Api

K&yu

A-pul

A-pu'-i

Five

Lima

Uma

Di'-ma

Li-ma'

Foot

Kftkl

SIki

Cha-pan

Cha-pan'

Four

Ampat

Opat

Ap'-pat

I-pat'

Fruit

BQah

BQnga-k&hOi

DamOs

Fi-Wis'-na

Get up, to

Bangun

B&ngun

Fo-ma-ong'

Good

Baik

Maraiau

Cdg-a-wis'

Grasshopper

Bi-lMang

Ampan

Chu'-ron

Cho'-chon

Ground (earth)

T&nah

LGpah

Bu'-dai

Lu'-U

Hair of head

Rambut

BQh5k

Bu-5g

Fo-ok'

Hand

T&ngan

Lima

Dl-ma

Li-ma'. Ad-pa'

Head

K6p&la

Tok-tok

O'-lo

Hear, to

Dfingar

DQngag

. . .

ChOng-nSn'

Here

SIni

DI. di-ha-Ini

Chlal

Is'-na

Hog

B&bi

Baboi

Ke-ohil

Fu-tug*

!■

Shaya

Aku

Sikak; Sidiak

Sak-In'

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

BONTOC VOCABULAEY

233

English

Malay

Sulu

Benguet Igorot

Bontoc Igorot

Kill, to

Bdnoh

BQnoh

Bunu'-in

Na-fa'-kdg

Knife

Pisau

Lading

Ta'-ad

Kl-pan'

Large

BSsar

D&kolah

Abatek

Chdk-chdk'-i

Lightning

Ktlat

Kllat

Ba-gi'-dat

Yttp-yttp

Louse

Kutu

KOtu

Ku-to

Ko'-to

Man

Orang

Tftu

Da'-gi

La-la'-ki

Monkey

MQnyit, Kra

Amok

Ba-ges

Ka-ag'

Moon

Bdlan

BQlan

Bu'-lan

Pu-an'

Mortar( for rice)

LSsong

LQsong

Mother

Mak, tbu

Inah

I-na

I'-na

Night

M&lam

Ddm

/ Kal-leian
I A-da'-wi

} Mas-chim, la-fl'

Nine

S'ambtlan

Slam

Dsl'-am

Si-am'

Ttdak

W&i. di

A-di'

Nose

Htdong

Hong

A-dfing

I-Hng'

One

S&tu, su&tu, sa

Isa

Sa-gel'

I-sa'

Rain

Hdjan

t}lan

U'-ran

0-chan'

Red

Mdrah

PQla, l&g

Am-ba'-latflfc-a

Lang-at'

Rice (threshed)

Padi

Pfti

. • •

Pa-ktt'

Rice (boiled)

Nasi

K'aun-an

I-na-pui

Mak-an'

River

Sungei

S5bah

Pa'-dok

Wang'-a

Run, to

Lftri

D&g-an

. . .

In-tdg'-tug

Salt

O&ram

Asin

A-8ln

Sl'-mut

Seven

TQJoh

P«to

Pit'-to

Pl-to'

Sit. to

DQdok

LlngkQd

Tu-muck'-chu

Six

Anam

tJnom

An-nim

I-nIm'

Sky

Langit

li&ngit

Dang-lt

Chay'-ya

Sleep, to

Tldor

Ma-t5g

Ma-si-yIp'

Small

Kfichil

Aslvl

O-o'-tik

Fan-Ig'

Smoke

Asap

Abo

A-sok

A-sok'

Steal, to

M6n-chQri

Takau

Magibat

Mang-a-qu'

Stone

B&tu

Ba-to

Sun

M&U-Hftrl

M&ta siiga

A-kou, Si-kit

A-qu' .

Talk, to

B6r-oh&kap

NQg-pftmong

. .

fin-ka-ll'

Ten

Sa'pOloh

Hangpoh

Sam-pu'-lo

Sim po'-o

There

Di-sltu,Dl-8&na

Ha ietd, dOn

Chitan, Chiman

Is'-chl

Three

Tlga

Tad'-do

To-lo'

To-morrow

fisok, Besok

Kin-shOm

Ka-bua-san

A-swa'-kus

Tree

POko'k&yu

K&hOi

Po-on

Cha-pon',Kay'-o

Two

DQa

RQa, DQa

Chu'-a

Chu'-wa

Walk, to

B6r-J&lan

Panau

Ma-na'-lQn

Water

Ayer

TObig

Cha-num

Chd-num'

White

Pdteh

Ma-pQtih

Am-pu-ti'

Im-po'-kan

Wind

Angin

Hangin

Cha-gOm

Cha-kim

Woman

PrfimpQan

Babai

Bi-1, a-ko'-dau

Pa-fay'-l

Wood

Kftyu

K&hdi

Ki'-u

Kay'-o

Yellow

KQning

Chu-yao «

Fa-klng'-l

Yes

You (singular)

Angkau

fikau

Sikam

SIk'-a

^ One blind. * From Ilokano.

BONTOC VOCABULARY

The following vocabulary is presented in groups with the purpose of
throwing additional light on the grade of culture the Igorot has attained.

No words follow which represent ideas borrowed of a modem culture;
for instance, I do not record what the Igorot calls shoes, pantaloons,
umbrellas, chairs, or books, no one of which objects he naturally possesses.

Whereas it is not claimed that all the words spoken by the Igorot

Digitized by

Google

234

THE BONTOC IGOBOT

[BTH. BUBV. 1

follow under the various headings, yet it is believed that the man^s vocab-
ulary, is nearly exhausted under such headings as "Cosmology/' "Cloth-
ing, dress, and adornment,'^ and "Weapons, utensils, etc. :"

English, vnih Bontoc equivalent
COSMOLOGY

English

Bontoc Igorot

Afternoon

MOg-a-qO'

Afternoon, middle of

Mak-sip'

Air

Sl'-y&k

Ashes

Cha-pu'

Blaze

Cloud, rain

Li-fo'-o

Creek

Ki-nan'-wan

Dawn

Wi-wi-it'

Day

A-qu'

Day after to-morrow

Ka-sin' wa'-kus

Day before yesterday

Ka-sin' ug'-ka

Dust

Cha'-pog

Earthquake

Ye'-ga

East

Fa-la'-an si a-qu'

Evening

Nl-su'-yao

Fire

A-pu'-i

Ground (earth)

Lu'-ta

Hill

Chun'-tug

Horizon

Nang'-ab si chay'-ya

Island

Pa'-na

Lightning

Yap-y0p

Midnight

TSng-ang si la-fl'

Milky way

Ang'-san nan tQk-fl'-fl ^

Moon

Pu-an'

Moon, eclipse of

PIng-mang'-et nan fu-an'

Moon, full

FIt-fl-tay'-fig

Moon, waxing, one-quarter

FIs-ka'-na

Moon, waxing, two-quarters

Ma-no'-wa

Moon, waxing, three-quarters

Kat-no-wa'-na

Moon, waning, three-quarters

Ka-tol-pa-ka'-na

Moon, waning, two-quarters

Kl-sul-fl-ka'-na

Moon, waning, one-quarter

SIg-na'-a-na

Moon, period following

Li'-mSng

Morning

FIb-i-kat'

Morning, mid

Ma-a-qu'

Mountain

Fi'-llg

Mud

Pl'-t6k

Nadir

Ad-cha'-Im

Night

La-fl' or mas-chim

Noon

Nen-tlng'-a or t6ng-ang

si a-qu'

I-na-na'

La'-tflb

Cho'-ok

Periods of time in a year

Li'-pas

Ba-li'-ling

Sa-gan-ma'

Pa-chog'

Sa'-ma

Plain

Cha'-ta

Pond

Tab-lak'

Precipice

Ki-chay'

Rain

O-chan'

Rainbow

Fung-a'-kan

^ Many small stars.

Digitized by

Google

JSNK8]

BONTOC VOCABULAEY

235

English, with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
COSMOLOGY-OoDtinued

English

Bontoo Igorot

River

Wang' -a

River, down the river *

La'-god

River, mouth of

Sa-fang-nr-na

River, up the river «

Ap'-lay

Sand

0-fod'

Sea

Po'-s&ng

Season, rice culture .

Cha-kon'

Season, remainder of year

Ka-sip'

Sky

Chay'-ya

Smoke

A-sok'

Spring

Ib-Ib

Spring, hot

Lu-ag'

Stars, large

Fat-to-ka'-kan

Stars, small

Tdk-fl'-fl

Stone

Ba-to

Storm, heavy (rain and winds)

0-chan' ya cha-kim

Storm, heavy prolonged (bagulo)

LIm-lIm

Sun

A-qu'

Sun, eclipse of

PIng-mang'-dt

Sunrise

Lap-lap-on'-a

Sunset

Le-nun-n6k' nan a-qu'

Thunder

Kl-cho'

To-day

Ad-wa'-nl

To-morrow

A-swa'-kus

Valley, or cafion

Cha-lu'-lug

Water

Chd-num'

Waterfall

Pa-lup-o'

West

Lum-na-kan' si a-qu'

Whirlwind

Al-ll-pos'-pos or fa-no'-on

Wind

Cha-kTm

Year

Ta'-win

Year, past

TIn-mo-wIn

Yesterday

A-dug-ka'

Zenith

Ad-tong'-cho

* The country northward.

' The country southward.

HUMAN BODY

Ankle

Ung-«t'

Ankle bone

Klng-klng-l'

Arm

Ll'-ma

Arm. left

I-kId'

Arm, right

A-wan'

Arm, upper

Pong'-o

Arm, upper, near shoulder

Tak-lay'

Armpit

Y6k-y6k'

Back

I-chug'

Beard, side of face

Sap-kl'

Belly

Po'-to

Bladder

Fl-chung'

Blood

Cha'-la

Body

A'-wak

Bone

Ung-«t' or timg-al'

Brain

U'-t6k

Breast

So'-so

Breath

Ing-ga'-Ss

Cheek

Ta-mong* or l-ping'

Digitized by

Google

236

THE BONTOC IGOBOT

[■TH. SUBY. 1

English, with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
HUMAN BODY— Continued

English

Chest

Chin

Ear

Elbow

Excreta

ESye

E^yebrow

Eyelash

Eyelid

Finger

Finger, index or first

Finger, little

Finger, second

Finger, third

Finger nail

Foot

Foot, instep of

Forehead

Gall

Oroin

Hair in armpit

Hair on crown of head

Hair on head

Hair, pubic, man's

Hand

Hand, inside of

Head

Heart

Heel

Hip

Intestine

Jaw

Kidney

Knee

Leg

Leg, calf of

Lip, lower

Lip, upper

Liyer

Lung

Mouth

Navel

Neck

Neck, back of

Nipple

Nose

Nostril

Palate

Penis

Rib

Rump

Saliva

Shoulder

Shoulder blade

Skin

Spinal cord

Spine

Spirit of living person

Spirit of dead person

Bontoc Igorot

Ta'-kib

Pang'-a

Ko-wSng'

Si'-ko

Tay-i

Ma-U'

Ki-chi'

Ki-chl'

Ta-nTb si ma'-ya

Li-Cheng^

MSs-nSd' si am-am'-a

Ik-Ik-kIng'

Ka-wa'-an

M8s-n8d si nan ka-wa'

Ko-ko'

Cha-pan'

O'-son si cha-pan'

Ki'-tong

A-ku'

Lip-yak'

Ki-lSm' si y6k-yfik'

Tug-tug'-o

Fo-ok'

Ki-lSm' si o'-U

Ad-pa' or li'-ma

Ta'-lad

O'-lo

Po'-so

Pag-pa-ga'-da

TIp-ay

Fu-ang'

Pang'-a

Fa-tin'

Gung-gung'-o

Si-ki'

Fit'-kin

So'-fll ay nin-gub'

So'-fll '

A-tu'-I

Fa'-la

To-puk'

Pu'-slg

FQk-kang'

Tflng-8d'

So' -so

I-lIng'

Pa-nang'-e-tan

A-lang-a-ang'

O'-ti

Tag-lang'

u-m

Tuv'-fa

Po-ke'

Gang-gang'-sa

Ko-chil'

U'-tuk si ung-6t'

Ka-ung-e-ung-St'

L£ng-ag'

A-ni'-to

Digitized by

Google

JBNKS]

BONTOO VOCABULAEY

237

English, toitk Bontoo equivalent — Continued
HUMAN BODY— Continued

English

Bontoo Igorot

Spirit of beheaded dead

PIn-t6ng'

Sternum

Los-los-It'

Stomach

Fa'-sag

Sweat (perspiration)

LIng-et

TesUcle

Ldg-lQg'-ong

Thigh

U'-po

Throat

A-lo-go'-og

Thumb

Am-am'-a

Toe

Go-mot'

Toe, first

MSs-nfid si am-am'-a si

cha-pan'

Toe, fourth

Ik-Ik-kIng' si cha-pan'

Toe. third

MSs-n6d si nan ka-wa'-

an si cha-pan'

Toe, great

Am-am'-a si cha-pan'

Toe nail

Ko-ko' si go-mot'

Toe, second

Ka-wa'-an si cha-pan'

Tongue

Chl'-la

Tooth

Pob-a'

Urine

Is-fo

Vagina

Ti'-li

Vein

Wath

Vertebra

Ung-6t' si i-chug'

Wrist

Pang-at si'-nang

Wrist Joint

Ung-5t'

BODILY CONDITIONS

Ague

Wug-wug

1 Berl-berl

Pu-tut

Blindness, ejelids closed

Na-kl'-mit

Blindness, eyelids open

Pu-lug

Blood, passage of

In-Is'-fo cha'-la, or In-

tay'-es cha'-la

Boil, a

Fu-yu-i'

Bum, a

Ma-la-fOb-choug'

Childbirth

In-sa'-cha

Cholera

PIsh-ti'

Circumcision

SIg-l-at'

Cold, a

Mo-tug'

Consumptfbn

O'-kat

Corpse

A'-wak

Cut, a

Na-fa'-kag

Deafness

Tu'-wing

Diarrhea

O-gi'-ftk

Dumbness

Gna-nak

Byes, crossed

Li'-i

Byes, sore

In-o'-ki

Feet, cracked from wading In rice pad-

Fung-as'

dies

Fever

Im-po'-os nan a'-wak

Goiter

PIn-to'-k«l or fl-k6k'

Headache

Sa-kIt' si o'-lo or pa-tug'

si o'-lo

Health

Ka-wls' nan a'-Wak

Itch or mange

Ku'-lld

Itch, first stage of small sores

Ka'-ti

Digitized by

Google

238

THE BONTOO IGOBOT

[BTH. SUBY. 1

English, toith Bontoo equivalent — Ckmtinued
BODILY CONDITIONS-Contlnued

English

Bontoc Igorot

Pain

In-sa-Mt'

Pltted-face

Oa-la'-ga

Rheumatism

F!g-flg

Scar

Sap-mk

Sickness

Nay-yu' nan a'-wak

Smallpox

Pul-tftng'

Swelling

Nay-am-an' or kln-may-

yon'

Syphilis

Na-na

Toe, Inturning

Pa'-wing

Toothache

Pa-tug' nan fob-a'

Ulcers and sores, disease of

Lang-Ing'-l

Varicose vein

(V-pat

CONSANGUINEAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

Aunt

A-ki-na

Babe, boy

Kil-lang'

Babe, girl

Gna-an'

Brother

U'-na

Child

Ong-ong'-a

SYm-pang' a-nak'

Consanguineal group and family

Sim-pang' a-po'

Father

A'-ma

Man

La-la'-ki

Man, old

Am-a'-ma

Pu'-chl

Man. rich

Ka-chan-a-yan'

Mother

I'-na

Orphan

Nang-o'-so

Orphan, father dead

Nan-a-ma'-na

Orphan, mother dead

Nan-i-na'-na

People

I-pu-kao'

People, of another pueblo

Mang-i'-li

People, of one's own pueblo

Kay-il-yan'

Person, one

Ta'-ku

RelaUve

I-ba'

Sister

A-no'-chi

Twins

Na-a-pik'

Wife

A-sa'-wa

Woman

Fa-fay'-i

Woman, old

In-l'-na

CLOTHING, DRESS, AND ADORNMENT

Armlet, bejuco

Sung-db'

Armlet, boar tusk

Ab-kil'

Bag, flint and steel

Pal-ma-ting'-dn

Bag, tobacco, cloth

Cho'-kao

Bag, tobacco, bladder carabao or hog

Fi-chong'

Bag, tobacco, bladder deer

Ka'-tat

Beads, string of

A-pong'

Beads, dog tooth

Sa-ong

Beads, seed, black

Gu-sao'

Digitized by

Google

JENK8]

BONTOC VOCABULAEY

239

English, with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
CLOTHING, DRteSS, AND ADORNMENT— Continued

English

Beads, seed, blue gray

Beads, red agate

Beads, white, large

Blanket

Blanket, girl's

Blanket, black, white stripes

Blanket, blue

Blanket, used to carry baby on back

Blanket, white, blue stripes

Blanket, white, wide blue stripes

Breechcloth

Breechcloth, bark, red

Breechcloth, bark, white

Breechcloth, bark, white, burial

Breechcloth. blue

Breechcloth, blue, small stripes

Breechcloth, woman's menstruation

Bar plug or ear stretcher

Barring, three varieties

Girdle, man's, chain

Girdle, man's, bejuco rope

Girdle, man's, bejuco string

Girdle, man's, fiber

Girdle, woman's

Girdle, woman's, bustle-like

Hair, false

Hat, man's

Hat, man's fez-shaped, of Bontoc pueblo

Hat, man's rain

Hat, sleeping

Headcloth. burial

Jacket, woman's

Necklace, boar tusk

Neck ring, brass

Pipe

Pipe, clay

Pipe, brass "anito"

Pipe, smooth cast metal

Rain protector, woman's

Rain protector, camote leaf

Shell, mother-of-pearl, worn at waist by
men

Shirt, man's blue burial

Shirt, man's blue burial, red and yellow
threads

Skirt, woman's burial

Skirt, cotton

Skirt, cotton, Bognen

Skirt, fiber

Skirt, made of falatong

Skirt, twine of

Tattoo

Tattoo, arm

Tattoo, breast

Bontoc Igorot

At-lok-ku'-l

Sl'-mng

Fo'-kds

B-wIs' or pi'-tay

KQd-pas'

Pa-yl-ong'

Pi-nag-pa'-gan

I-fan'

Pan-cha'-la

Tl-na'-pl

Wa'-nis

Ti-nan'-ag

So'-put

Chi-nang-ta'

Pa'-a

Bl-no-slun'

Fa'-la

Su-wlp'

SIng-s!ng. i-pit, slng-ut'

Ka'-chYng

Ka'-kot

I-kIt'

Song-kit-an'

Wa'-klB

A-ko'-san

Po-bo-ok'

Suk'-l&ng

Tl-no-od'

S6g-fl'

Kut'-lao

To-chong'

La-ma

Pu-yay'-ya

Bang-gli

Po-bang'-a

Ki-na-lo'-sab

TIn-ak-ta'-go

PIn-e-po-yong'

T0g-wi'

Ang-61'

Pl-kdm'

Los- a'- dan
A-nl'-w!s

Kay-In'

Lu-fld i kad-pas

Qa'-bou

Pi-tay'

Lu-fld'

Mi-no'-kan

Pa'-t«k

Pong'-o

Chak-lag'

Digitized by

Google

240

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[BTH. 8URV. 1

English, with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
FOODS AND BBVBRAOBS

English

Bontoc Igorot

Beverage, fermented rice

Ta-pu'-l

Beverage, fermented rice, ferment of

Fu-fud

Beverage, fermented sugar cane

Ba'-8i

Beverage fermented sugar cane, fer-

Tub-flg'

ment of

Beverage, fermented vegetables and

Sa-fu-6ng'

meats

Food, beans and rice

STb-fan'

Food, camotes and rice

Ke-le'-ke

Food, locusts and rice

Pl-na-lat'

Food, preserved meat

It-tag'

Salt

sr-mut

Salt, cake of

Luk'-sa

WEAPONS. UTENSILS. ETC.

Ax, battle

Pi'-nong

Ax. cutting edge of

To-pek'

Ax. handle of

Pa-llk'

Ax. handle, bejuco ferrule of

Tok'-no

Ax. handle, iron ferrule of

Ka-lo'-lot

Ax, handle, top point of blade of

Pow-wit'

Ax. working tool

Wa'-say

Ax, working tool, blade turned as adz

Sa'-ka

Ax, working tool, handle of

Pa-ka'-cha

Basket, baby's food bottle

Tuk-to'-pll

Basket, ceremonial, chicken

Fl-ki'

Basket, dinner

To'-pn

Basket, fish

Kot-ten'

Basket, fish, small

Fak-king'

Basket, gan-sa

Fa'-l si gang'-sa

Basket, grasshopper

I-wQs'

Basket, house, holding about a peck

Fa-lo'-ko

Basket, men's carrying

Ka-lu'-pit

Basket, man's dirt

Ko-chuk-kod'

Basket, man's dirt scoop

Tak-o-chdg'

Basket, man's transportation

Kl-ma'-ta

Basket, man's transportation, handle of

Basket, man's traveling

Sang'-l

Basket, man's traveling, with rain-proof

Fang'-ao

covering (so-called "head basket")

Basket, salt

Fa-nl'-Un

Basket, side, small, for tobacco

A-ku'-pan

Basket, spoon

So'-long

Basket, threshed rice

Ko'-lug

Basket, tobacco, small

Ka-lu'-pit

Basket, woman's rump

Ag-ka-win'

Basket, woman's transportation

Lu'-wa

Basket, woman's transportation, large

Tay-ya-an'

Basket, woman's vegetable

A-to-fang

Basket, woman's vegetable scoop

SQg-fl'

Bellows

Op-op'

Bellows, piston of

Dot-dot'

Bellows, tube of, to fire

To-bong'

Bird scarer, carabao horn

Kong-ok'

Box, small wooden, for hair grease

Tug-tug'-no

Chair, for corpse

Sung-a'-chil

CJoffln

A-lo'-ang

Deadfall, for wild hogs

11-tIb'

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

BONTOC VOCABULAEY

241

English, with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
WEAPONS, UTENSILS, ETC.— Continued

English

Bontoc Igorot

Dish, small wooden

Chu'-jru

Dish, small wooden, bowl -shaped

Suk-ong'

Drumstick

Pat-tong'

Fire machine, bamboo

Co-ll'-ll

Fire machine, flint and steel

Pal-ting'

Fire machine, flint and steel, cotton used

A-m6k'

with as tinder

Qong, bronze

Gang'-sa

Oong. bronze (two varieties)

Ka'-los, Co-ong'-an

Gourd, large bejuco-bound, for meat

Fa'-lay

Head pad, woman's, for supporting load

Ki'-kan

on head

Jews-harp, wooden

Ab-a'-ffl

Jug, gourd, for basl

Tak-Ing

Knife, man's small

Kl-pan'

Ladle, common wooden, for rice

Fa'-nu

Ladle, gourd

Ki-ud

Ladle, narrow wooden

Fak-ong'

Loom

In-a-fu'-l

Mortar, double, for threshing rice

Lu-song'

Needle

Cha-kay'-yum

Net, grasshopper

Se-chok'

011a, roughly spherical jar

Fang'-a

011a, more paralleled-sided Jar

Fu-o-foy'

011a, preserved meat

Tu-u'-nan

Paddle, olla-molding

PIp-i

Pail, wooden, for feeding pigs

Kak-wan'

Pestle, rice

Al'-o

Pit-fall, for hogs

Fl'-to

Plate, eating, of braided bamboo

Kl'-flg

Scarecrows

Pa-ch6k', kr-lao

Scarecrows, water power, line of

Pi-chug'

Scarecrows, water power, wood In rapids

Pit-ug*

Sieve, rice

A-ka'-Qg

Snare, wild chicken

Shi'-ay

Snare, spring, bird

Sl-Blm' and Llng-an'

Snare, spring, wild chicken and cat

Kok-o'-iang

Spear

Fal-fSg*

Spear, blade of

Tu'-fay

Spear, blade, barbless

Fang'-kao

Spear, blade, manj-barbed

Sl-na-la-wl'-tan •

Spear, blade, single-barbed

Fal-f6g'

Spear, blade

Kay-yan'

Spoon, large wooden, for drinking

Tflg-on'

Spoon, large wooden, for pig's feed

Ka-od'

Spoon, small wooden, for eating

I-chfls'

Stick, soil-turning

Kay-kay

Stick, woman's camote

Su-wan'

Sweep runo, for catching birds

Ka-llb'

Tattooing instrument

Cha-kay'-yum

Torch

Si-lu'

Trap. flsh. funnel, large

0-kat'

Trap. flsh. funnel, small

Ob-o'-ffl

Trap. flsh. scOop

Ko-yflg'

Trap, wild-cat

Fa-wang'

Tray, winnowing

L!g-o'

Trough, for salt at Mayinlt

Ko-long'-ko

Tube, for basl

Fu-fls

Whetstone

A-san'

15223 16

Digitized by

Google

242

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[BTH. 8UBV. 1

English, toith Bontoo equivalent — Continued
HOME AND FIELD

English

Canal, irrigating

Council house for men

Council house, open court of

Council house, open court of, posts in

Council house, roofed portion of

Council house, closed room of

Council house, closed room, doorway of

Council house, closed room, fireplace of

Council house, closed room, floor of

Council house, wall of

Dam, in river

Dormitory, boys'

Dormitory, girls'

Dwelling

Dwelling, better class of

Dwelling, better class, aisle in

Dwelling, better class, door of

Dwelling, better class, first room on left

of aisle
Dwelling, better class, second room on

left of aisle
Dwelling, better class, sleeping room of
Dwelling, better class, small recesses at

ends of sleeping room
Dwelling, better class, stationary shelf in
Dwelling, poorer class
Fence, garden
Granary
Lands, public
Sementera, rice
Sementera, abandoned
Sementera, large, producing more than

five cargoes
Sementera, small, producing less than

five cargoes
Sementera, irrigated by hand
Sementera, unirrigated mountain
Sementera, used as seed bed
Stones, groups of in pueblo, said to be

placep to rest and talk
Troughs, irrigation
Troughs, irrigation, scaffolding of
Walls, sementera

Bontoc Igorot

A'-lak

Fa'-wi

Chi-la'

Po-si'

Tung-fub'

A'-fo

Pan-tu

A-ni-chu'-an

Chap-ay'

To-pTng

Lung-ud'

Pa-ba-fu'-nan

O'-iag

A'-fong

Fay'-a

Cha-la'-nan

Tang-Tb

Chap-an'

Cha-le-ka-nan' si

mo-o'-to
Ang-an'
Kfib-kfib

ChOk'-BO

Kat-yu'-fong

A'-lad

A-lang'

Pag-pag'

Pay-yo'

Nud-yun a pay-yo'

Pay-yo' chfik-chfik'-wag

Pay-yo' ay fa-nIg

Pay-yo' a kao-u'-chan
Fo-ag*

Pad-cho-kan'
O-bub-fu'-nan

Ta-la'-kan

To-kod'

Fa-nlng'

ANIMALS

Ant, large black

Ku'-sim

Ant, large red

A-lala-sang'

Ant, large red, pincers of

KSn'-ang

Ant, small red

Fu'-wls

Bedbug

Ki'-t6b

Bee

Yu'-kan

Bee, wax of

A-tId'

Bird

Ay-ay'-am

Butterfly, large

Fi-no-lo-fo'-lo

Butterfly, small

Ak-a'-kop

Carabao

No-ang'

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

BONTOC VOCABULARY

243

English, toith Bontoo equivalent — Continued
ANIMALS— Continued

English

Bontoc Igorot

Carabao, backbone of
Garabao, body .of
Carabao bull
Garabao calf
Carabao cow
Carabao cow, udder of
Carabao, dew claw of
Carabao, foot of
Carabao, fore leg of

Carabao, forequarters of
Carabao, hair of
Carabao, hind leg of

Garabao, horn of

Carabao, white mark on neck of

Garabao, point of shoulder of

Carabao, rear quarters of

Carabao, rump of

Garabao, tail of

Carabao, wild

Caterpillar

Chicken

Chicken, cock

Chicken, cock, spur of

Chicken, cock, wild

Chicken, comb of

Chicken, crop of

Chicken, ear lobe of, white

Chicken, egg

Chicken, foot of

Chicken, gall of

Chicken, gizzard of

Chicken, heart of

Chicken, hen

Chicken, leg of

Chicken, liver of

Chicken, mandible of

Chicken, pullet

Chicken, stomach of

Chicken, toll of

Chicken, toe of

Chicken, toe nail of

Chicken, wattles of

Chicken, wing of

Chicken, young

Crab

Crab (found in rice sementeras)

Cricket

Crow

Deer

Dog

Dog, male

Dog. female

Dog, puppy

Dregon fly

Fish. large. 3 to 6 feet long

Fish, 6 to 10 inches long

Tlg-tlg-i'

Po'-to

Tot'-o

I-na-nak' ay no-ang'

Kam-bat'-yan

SO'-BO

Pa-klng-1'

Ko'-kod

Kong-kong'-o ay pang-

u-lo
Pang-u-lo
Tot-chut'
Kong-kong'-o ay o-chi-

chl'
Sa-kod'
La-fang'

Mok-mok-ling pang-u-lo
0-chl-chi'
Ba-long'-a
I'-pus
Ay-ya-wan'
Ge'-chSng
Mo-nok'
Kao-wi'-ton
Pa-glng-i'
Sa'-fOg

Ba-long-a-bing'
Fi-chong'
Ko-wfing'
et-log'
Go-mot'
Ak-ko'
Fit-11'
Leng-ag'
Mang-a'-lak
Pu-yong' or o-po'
A'-ti
To-kay'
Chi'-sak
Fu-ang*
Ga-tod'
Ga'-wa
Ko-ko'

Ba-long-a-bing'
Pay-yok'
Im'-pas
Ag-ka'-ma
Song'-an
Fll-nr-ting
Gay-yang
Og'-sa
A'-su

La-la'-ki ay a'-su
Fa-fay'- i ay a'-su
0-k6n'

Lang-fay'-an
Gha-llt'
Li'-ling

Digitized by

Google

244

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[BTH. 8URV. I

English, with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
ANIMALS— Continued

English

Bon toe Igorot

Fish, small

Ka-cho'

Flea

Ti'-lang

Fly (house fly)

La'-lug

Hawk

La-fa'-an

Hog

Fu-t^g'

Hog, barrow

Na-fit-li'-an

Hog, boar

Bu'-a

Hog, boar, tusk of

Tang-o'-fu

Hog, sow

0-go'

Hog, wild

La'-man or fang'-o

Hog, young

A-mug'

Horse

Ka-fay-o

Horse, colt

I-na-nak' ay ka-fay'-o

Horse, mare

Fa-fay'-i ay ka-fay'-o

Horse, stallion

La-la'-ki ay ka-fay'-o

Lizard

Fa-ni'-as

Locust

Cho'-chon

Locust, young, without wings

0-non

Louse

Ko'-to

Louse, nit

r-iit

Maggot

Fi'-kis

Monkey

Ka-ag'

Mosquito

Tip'-kan

Mouse

Cho-cho'

Owl

Ko-op'

Rat

0-tot'

Snail, in river

Ko'-U

Snail, in sementera (three mollusks)

Klt-an', FIng'-a, LIs'-

chfig

Snake

0-wfig'

Spider

Ka-wa'

Wasp

A-tln-fa-u'-kan

Wild-cat

In'-yao

Wild-cat (so called)

Si'-le, oo'-lang

Worm

Ka-lang'

VEGETAL LIFE

Bamboo

Ka-way'-gan

Bamboo, used tor baskets

A'-nIs

Bamboo,used to tie bunches of palay

Fi'-ka

Bamboo, used to tie bunches of palay,

PIng-«l

fiber of

Banana

Fa'-lat

Banana, green variety

Sa-ging

Banana, yellow variety

Mi-nay'-ang

Bark

SIp-sIp

Bark, from which brown fiber Is made

Lay-i'

Bark, inner, for spinning

Ko-pa'-nlt

Bean, black and gray

I'-tab

Bean, black, small

Ba-la'-tong

Bean, pale green, small

Ka'-lap

Bejuco (rattan)

Wu-e

Bud

Fo'-a

Camote

To-ki'

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

BONTOC VOCABULARY

245

EngUahf with Bontoo equivalent — Continued
VEGETAL UFE-ConUnued

English

' Camote, blossom of

Gamote, red, two varieties
Camote yine

Camote, white, six varieties

Flower

Forest

Fruit

Leaf

Limb, tree

Maize

Millet

Millet, dark grain, "black"

Millet, white, three varieties

Plant, cultivated for spinning liber

Plant, wild, fiber gathered for spinning

Plant, wild, fiber of above

Rice

Rice, beard of

Rice, boiled

Rice, head of

Rice, kernel of

Rice, leaf of

Rice, red varieties, smooth

Rice, red variety, bearded
Rice, roots of
Rice, shelled grain
Rice, stalk of

Rice, white, four varieties

Root, of plant
Runo
Squash
Tree

Tree, dead
Tree, knot on
Tree, stump of

Vine, wild, from which fiber for spinning
is gathered

Wood, from which pipes are made, three
varieties

Wood, fire

Wood, fire, pitch pine

Wood, fire, from all other trees

Bontoc Igorot

Tup-kao'
Si'-slg
PIt-U'-kan
Fi-na-li'-ling
Li-no'-ko
Pa-to'-ki
Ki'-nOb fa-fay'-I
Pi-i-nit'
Ki-w6ng'
Tang-tang-lab'
Ffing'-a
Pag-pag
Fi-kfis'-na
To-fo'-na
Pang'-a
Pl'-ki
Sa'-fug
Pi-tlng'-an
Mo-dl'
Poy-n6d'
. Si-nang'-a
Ptt-ttg'
A-pas
Las- las'
Pa-ktt'
Fo-ok'
Mak-an'
SIn-lu'-wi
I-ta'
To'-ffin
Chay-y6t'-Tt
Gu-mlk'-i
Fo-o'-kan
Tad-lang'
Fi-na-u'
Pang-ti-i'
Ti'-pa
Oa'-sang
Pu-l-a-pu'-i
Tu'-pfing
La-mot'
Lu'-lo
Ka-llb-as'
Kay'-o, cha-pon'
Na-lu'-yao
PIng-1'
Tung-6d'
Fa-ay'-I

Qa-sa'-tan
La-no'-ti
. Gi-gat'
May-i-su'-wo
Kay'-o
Cha'-pung

Digitized by

Google

246

THE BONTOO IGOEOT

[ETH. 8UBV. 1

English, tDtth Bonioc equivalent — Ck)ntinued
VERBS

English

Bontoc Igorot

Burn* to

FTn-mi'-chan

CJome (Imperative)

A-ll-ka'

Cut. to

KQ-ke'-chun

Die, to

Ma-U'

Drink, to

U-ml-num'

Bat. to

Mang-an' ; ka-kan'

Get heads, to

Na-ma'-kn

Get up. to

Fo-ma-ong'

Go. I

Um-i-ak*

Hear, to

Chdng-nfin'

Kill, to

Na-fa'-kdg

Run, to

In-tag'-tag

Sit down, to

Tu-muck'-chu

Sleep, to

Ma-8i-ylp'

Steal, to

Mang-a-qu'

Talk, to

fin-ka-li'

Wake, to

Walk, to

Ma-na'-lCtn

ADJECTIVES

All

Am-in'

Bad

An-an-a-lut' or ngag

Black

In-ni'-tit

Good

Cdg-a-wia'

Large

Chak-chdk'-i

Lazy

Sang-a-an'

Long

An-cho'

Many

Ang-aan

Red

Lang-at'

Small

Pan-Ig'

White

Im-po'-kan

Yellow

Fa-klng'-l

ADVERBS

Here

Xs'-na

A-di'

There

Is'-chi

Yes

Digitized by

Google

JBNK8]

BONTOC VOCABULARY

247

Cardinal^ ordinal^ and distributive numerals
CARDINAL NUMERALS

1 I-sa'

2 Chu'-wa

3 To-lo'

4 I-pat'
6 Li-ma'

6 I-nIm'

7 Pl-to'

8 Wa-lo'

9 8l-am'

10 81m po'-o

11 Sim po'-o ya i-aa'

12 Sim po'-o ya chu'-wa

13 Sim po'-o ya to-lo'

14 Sim po'-o ya 1-pat'

15 Sim po'-o ya li-ma'

16 Sim po'-o ya i-nlm'

17 Sim po'-o ya pi-to'

18 Sim po'-o ya wa-lo'

19 Sim po'-o ya si-am'

20 Ghu-wan po'-o

21 Chu-wan po'-o ya i-sa'

30 To-lon' po'-o

31 To-lon' po'-o ya i-sa'

40 I-pat' po'-o

41 I-pat' po'-o ya i-sa'

50 Li-man' po'-o

51 Ll-man' po'-o ya I-sa'

60 I-nIm' po'-o

61 I-nIm' po'-o ya i-sa'
Pi-ton' po'-o
Pi-ton' po'-o ya i-sa'
Wa-lon' po'-o
Wa-lon' po'-o ya i-sa'
Si-am' ay po'-o

01 Si-am' ay-po'-o ya i-si

100 La-sot' OP Sin la-sot'

101 Sin la-sot' ya 1-sa'

102 Sin la-sot' ya chu'-wa
200 Chu'-wan la-sot'

70
71
80
81
90

201

Chu'-wan la-sot' ya 1-sa'

300

To-lon' la-sot'

301

To-lon' la-sot' ya 1-sa'

400

l-pat' la-sot'

401

I-pat' la-sot' ya l-sa'

500

501

Ll-man' la-sot' ya i-sa'

600

l-nim' la-sot'

601

l-nim la-sot' ya i-sa'

700

Pl-ton' la-sot'

701

Pi-ton' la-sot' ya i-sa'

800

Wa-lon' la-sot'

801

Wa-lon' la-sot' ya 1-sa'

900

Si-am' ay la-sot'

901

Sl-am' ay la-sot' ya i-sa'

1,000

Sin ll'-fo

1,001

Sin ll'-fo ya i-sa'

1,100

Sin ll'-fo ya sin la-sot'

1.200

Sin 11' fo ya chu'-wan la-sot'

1,300

Sin li'-fo ya to-lon' la-sot'

1,400

Sin ll'-fo ya I-pat' la-sot'

1,500

Sin ll'-fo ya ll-man' la-sot'

1,600

Sin ll'-fo ya l-nim' la-sot'

1,700

Sin li'-fo ya pl-ton' la-sot'

1,800

Sin ll'-fo ya wa-lon' la-sot'

1,900

Sin li'-fo ya si-am' la-sot'

2,000

Chu'-wa ay li'-fo

3,000

To-loy' ll'-fo

4,000

l-pat' ll'-fo

5,000

U-may' ll'-fo

6,000

l-nim' ll'-fo

7,000

Pl-ton' li'-fo

8,000

Wa-lon' li'-fo

9,000

Sl-am' ay li'-fo

10,000

Sin po'-oy li'-fo

11,000

Sin po'-o ya i-sang' ay ll'-fo

12,000

Sin po'-o ya nan chu'-wa ll'-fo

1 13,000

Sin po'-o ya nan to'-lo ll'-fo

1 It is probable they seldom count as high as 13,000.
ORDINAL NUMERALS*

English

Bontoc Igorot

First

Ma-mlng'-san

Second

Ma-mld-du'-a

Third

Ma-mlt-lo'

Fourth

Mang-1-pat'

Fifth

Mang-a-ll-ma'

Sixth

Mang-a-nim'

Seventh

Mang-a-pl-to'

Eighth

Mang-a-wa-lo'

Ninth

Mang-nin-sl-am'

Tenth

Mang-a-po'-o

Eleventh

Mang-a-po'-o ya I-sa'

"These people say they have no separate adverbs denoting repetition of action— as. once,
twice, thrice, four times, ten times, etc. They use the ordinal numerals for this purpose also.

Digitized by

Google

248

THE BONTOC IGOROT

[ETH. 8UBV. 1

Oardinalf ordinal, and distributive numerals — Continued
ORDINAL NUMERALS-Continued

English

Bontoc Igorot

Twelfth

Mang-a-po'-o ya chu'-wa

Thirteenth

Mang-a-po'-o ya to'-lo

TwenUeth

Ma-mid-du'-a' po'-o

Twenty-flrst

Ma-mld-du'-a' po'-o ya l-sa'

ThlrUeth

Ma-mlt-lo'-l po'-o

Thlrty-flpst

Ma-mlt-lo'-^l po'-o ya l-sa'

Fortieth

Mang-1-pat' ay po'-o

Forty-flpst

Mang-1-pat' ay po'-o ya l-sa'

Fiftieth

Mang-a-11-ma' ay po -o

Flfty-flpst

Mang-a-11-ma' ay po'-o ay l-sa'

Sixtieth

Mang-a-nim ay po'-o

Slxty-flrat

Mang-a-nim ay po'-o ya l-sa'

Seventieth

Seventy-first

Mang-a-pi-to' ay po'-o ya i-sa'

Eightieth

Mang-a-wa-lo' ay po'-o

Eighty-first

Mang-a-wa-lo' ay po'-o ya l-sa'

Ninetieth

Mang-a-si-am ay po'-o

Ninety-first

Mang-a-sl-am ay po'-o ya l-sa'

One hundredth

Mang-a-po'-o ya po'-o

One hundred and first

Mang-a-po'-o ya po'-o ya l-sa'

Two hundredth

Ma-mld-dua' la-sot'

Two hundred and first

Ma-mld-dua' la-sot' ya l-sa'

Three hundredth

Ma-mlt-lo'-l la-sot'

Three hundred and first

Ma-mlt-lo'-l la-sot' ya l-sa'

Four hundredth

Mang-1-pat' ay la-sot'

Four hundred and first

Mang-a-pat' ay la-sot' ya l-sa'

Thousandth

Ka-la-80 la-sot' or ka-li-fo-li'-fo

Last

A-nong-os'-na

DISTRIBUTIVE NUMERALS

One to each

I-sas' nan i-sa'

Two to each

Chu-was' nan l-sa'

Three to each

To-los' nan i-sa'

Ten to each

Po-os' nan i-sa'

Eleven to each

Sim po-o' ya i-sas' nan i-sa'

Twelve to each

Sim po-o' ya chu'-wa Is nan l-sa'

Twenty to each

Chu-wan' po-o' Is nan l-sa'

Digitized by

Google

INDEX TO VOtUME I

Page

Abortion 60

Abra Pbovincb, TlDgulan people of,

employ bow 123

Accents, Irregular placing of 229

Acorn, south of Bontoc, probably not

food 81

Addition, numerical, how made 217

Adjectives, vocabulary of 246

Adultery, a crime 168

— , punishment for 170

Adverbs, vocabulary of 246

Adz, primitive 116

Esthetic lipb 184-195

Afono, family dwellings 56-59

Agawa, clay pipes made in 131

— , description of woman's wear in

the pueblo of 114

— , flayed tree-bark breechcloth made

in 112

Age of Bontoc pueblo 50

— , size, and value of carabao, how

shown 218

Aged, care of 70, 71

Agricultural implement used by

women of Bontoc 116

Agriculture 88-107

— , Ceremonies connected with 207-213

— , Ceremony, Chaka, at close of
period when rice is transplanted

from seed bed 207-211

— , Kbeng, for protection of growing

rice against birds and rats 212

— , Kopus, three days* rest at close of
period of camote planting ; pa-
lay ceremony held in period .... 213

— , LiSLis, close of rice harvest 212, 213

— , first part, each family kills chick-
en and cooks it on second floor

of dwelling 212

— , second part, rock fight in river
between men of Bontoc and

Samoki 212, 213

— , LosKOD, at beginning of camote

planting for abundant crop 213

— , Okiad, at time of planting black

beans for abundant crop 213

— , PocHANG, at close of period when

rice seed is planted 207

— , Safosab. harvest ceremony 212

— , Suwat, for tall rice stalks with

fruit 201

— , ToTOLOD, for protection of grown

rice against birds and raU 212

— , Lumawig taught 202

Page

Agbicxtlturist, primitive 138

Alamit, a dialect group of Igorot 28

Alap village girls sickly, in Luma-
wig tradition 201

ALGUfi, Rev. Pr. Josfi, S. J., quoted

on temperature and rainfall 26, 27

Alphabet, Bontoc, no r sound 14, 228

— used in writing native words 14, 228

— used to write Bontoc vocabu-

lary 14, 227, 228

Ambawan, bolo of Sapao used in 130

— , hat barter of Ill

— , woman's rain protector made in.... 122
American Anthropologist, Ekiward

Safford quoted from 228

American army meets Bontoc Igorot
in battle of Caloocan, Feb-
ruary, 1899 37

— civilians called to Bontoc village

by Igorot and insurrecto offi-
cials 38

— , influence of, on trade language.... 158
Amusements 64, 65

— of children 64, 66

Analysis of pottery clays 120

Angels, Captain, insurrecto who

burned historical records of

Bontoc village 35

Animals, measurement of 218

— , vocabulary of names of 242-244

Animism, widespread nature of 196-198

Anito, all but one disease caused by.. 197

— , all deaths caused by 197, 198

— , cause of human ills, driven away

by Insupak 198

— , destructive, ceremony to ward,

from village 214, 215

— , driving out 135

— , frightened by a particular spear.. 198
— , how considered by Igorot 196, 198

— metal pipes made in Sabangan,

Genugan, and Takoug 131

— , presence of, felt by Igorot 197, 198

— , protector of relatives -*. 197

— , »ce Person; Spirit.

— , spear used to scare away ^ 128

— , spirit of the dead 60,

70, 71, 74, 75, 79, 196-198
Antbdao and Titipan villages, ax and

bolo of 130

Anthropological Institute of

Great Britain and Ireland,

referred to.... Footnotes 52, 53, 55. 126

249

Digitized by

Google

250

INDEX

[BTH. 8USV. 1

Page
Ants, eggs, of, gathered, cooked and

eaten 143

Anvils, atone 115, 126

Apbon, breechcloth as an 112

— , of braided bark-fiber strings Ill

Armlets, boar-tusk 185

Arms, tattoo on man's 188, 189

— , tattoo on woman's 188, 189

— , warriors', or weapons 178, 179

AsiN DISTRICT, Igorot Of, as slave

captors 138

Assam, bellows used in Footnote 126

ASSAULT AND BATTBRY, a Crime 168

— , punishment for 169, 170

Ata people, location of 19, footnote 20

Ato 49-59

— ceremonial 51

— V ceremony connected with 216

— , ceremony of adoption 216

— has governing council or intug-

tukan 167, 168

— , key to study of village 49

— , Lowingan and Sipaat were built

in part by Lumawig 202

— , not village, makes peace 176

— , political and geographic divisions

of Bontoc 49, 50

— , see Dapay.

Ax and bolo of Antedao and Titipan

villages 180

— , Balbelasan village, when used 130

— , battle, used to cut off heads 179

— handle decorated with brass and

tlik 130

— made in Balbelasan village 129

— , primitive 116

— used as a knife 129

Ayanoan, a dialect group of Igorot.... 28

Babes, care of, by children 61, 62

— , food of 143

Bag worn in lieu of breechcloth 112

Baqnbn shield, description of 124

Bagobo people, location of.... 19, footnote 20

— , tradition of, regarding migration.. 18, 19

Balbelasan, battle-ax made at 129

— battle-az, where used 130

Baliwano, battle-ax made at 129

— , metal spear blades made at 125

— spear, steel of 128

— , tubular iron pipes made at 132

— , varieties of spear blades made at.. 127

— , welding iron at 127

Bamboo knife 115

— knife-blade machine 128

— spear blade used in Bontoc area.... 125

— spikes 125

— transportation basket 121

Banana leaf sometimes used as a rain

protector 122

— , now wild in Bontoc 81

Banawi district, description of the

shield used in 124

— , high terraces in 90

Banawi villages, battle at, In 1902.. 180

— , burial of beheaded body in 182, 183

Page

Banawi villages, capons in 110

— , tattoos of 189

— , women do not leave, in war time.. 178

Bark, beaten, clothing of 154

— , headband, worn by short-haired

men Ill

Bark-fiber blankets made' in Kam-

bulo 113

— girdle, woman's 113

— skirt, woman's weave 118

— strings used for girdles Ill

— thread, spinning of 137

Barlig, description of woman's cloth-
ing In 114

— , flayed tree-bark breechcloth made

in 112

— village, hats of Ill

— sought peace of Bontoc, now

enemy 176

— , woman's rain protector made in.... 122

Barong, Sulu More 130

Barter ~ 151-153

— of articles immediately about

Bontoc village 152

— , IMPORTANCE OF, in commerce.... 151, 152

— ,to Mayinit village 163

— , to Samoki village 152, 153

Basi, a beverage, prepared and con-
sumed 144

— , fermented drink used at funerals.. 75

Basket, of bejuco 122

— for conveying vegetables and

cereals 122, 123

— , locust 123

— made in Tulubln 122

— , TRANSPORTATION, bamboo 121

— , made in Samoki and Bontoc 121. 122

— , of Benguet 121

Basket-work 121-123

— , barter of 152

— hats 121

— , production and use of 121-123

Basket workers, men as 121

Batak people, location of Footnote 20

Batanbs Islands, probability of rice

terraces in 89

Bathing among Igorot.. 61

Battle, how It frequently ends 179. 180

— , severest known, at Banawi 180

Battle-ax, Bontoc 129

— made at Ballwang 129

Bead hairdress. woman's 186

— necklace 186

Beans, ceremony for abundant crop

of 213

— , cooked and eaten 140

— , preparation of, for storing 106

— , storing 106

— , varieties of. grown 98

Bearers, woman burden, in Kiapa

area of Benguet Province 134

Beeswax used for making pipe

models 131

Bbhbadbd person, future life of 198

— , spirit of, name of 196

Bejuco. barter of 162

Digitized by

Google

BTH. SUBV. 1]

INDEX

251

Page
Bejuco basket 122

— belt, woman's braided string 113

— outDLB woBN in Mayinlt.. 112

— in Tukukan, Kanyu, and Tulubin.. Ill

— lacing on shields 124

BsiiLows, Malayan, used in As-
sam, Salwin, Sumatra, Java,
Philippines, and Madagas-
car Footnote 126. 126, 127, 131

Belt, woman's braided string bejuco 113
Bengubt Ioobot, referred to 34

— vocabulary 232, 233

Bbngubt Ioobot Languaob, relation

of, to Malay, Sulu, and Bontoc

Igorot 231-233

— , sul&zes of personal pronouns 230

— , verbal sufllxes of 231

Bbnouet Pbovincb, dance in 194

— , dog eating in Ill

— , tattoo in 189

— , women burden bearers in 184

Bbngubt transportation basket 121

Bbqubst of property 164, 165

129

145

Bbbi-bbbi

Bbsao, near Sagada, i^f^etstones of....

Bevbbagb, fermented, made from
various meat and vegetable
juices

Bevbbaobs 143-145

— consumed ^ 143-146

— seldom drunk at meals 148, 144

BiKoii people, location of Footnote 19

BiLAN people, location of Footnote 20

BiBD catching with a broom 86

— scABEB, acoustic 102

— , water power 101, 102

Bird, bicb, once a scolded daughter,

folk tale of

BiBDS, omen, called ichu, warn Igorot
of pending evil

— , protection of rice from

Bibth, absence of Igorot celebration

of ^ 69, 60

Bitwagak, village of, competitor in
pottery with Samoki

Bladdeb of the hog used in lieu of
breechcloth

Blankbt worn only by old men and
women

Blindness among Igorot

Blowgun in Paragua

— .weapon of the Malayans

Blumbntbitt quoted on institution
to preserve chastity of the Igo-
rot

Boab-tusk armlets

— necklace

Body, human, life after death of..\

— , vocabulary of 236-237

BoiLBRS, Chinese iron 117

Boils and swellings 73

BoLO, as a tool 116

— , Bontoc, where It comes from 130

— of Ilokano 130

— , Sapao, used in Ambawan and

the Quiangan area 130

223

198
100

117

112

123

67
185
186
196

Page
BoLO scabbard of the Quiangan area.. 130

Bontoc cultubb 30-35

— , cause of limit of 33

— , distinguishing marks of 32, 33

Bontoc cultubb abba, breechcloth

worn as apron in 112

— group 30-47

— , people surrounding 84

— , spear used in 125

Bontoc gibls industrious, in Luma-

wig tradition _ 201

Bontoc Igobot, designation of self.... 33

— , ethnological knowledge of 34

— , history of 35-39

— language, relation of, to Malay,

Sulu, and Benguet Igorot 231-233

— meet Americans in battle of Ca-

loocan, February, 1899 37

— persecuted by insurrectos 37

— shoot insurrecto officials in their

village, causing crisis 88

— vocabulary 232-248

Bontoc man 33-47

— , meaning of word 33

— pueblo, trails to 30, 31

— , Samoki, a sister pueblo of 1-17

— shield, description of the 124

— to Lias, migration of people of 49

— VILLAGE, age of 50

— , buildings in 50

— , location of 48

— ^, political divisions of 49

— , population of 49

— » skulls buried by ato Sigichan

of 181, 182

— , skulls now in ato Sigichan of 181

Bobnbo, ceremonial buildings in Footnote 53

— , origin of head hunting in 171-174

Bow and arrow 123

— employed by the Ibilao of south-

eastern Nueva Vizcaya 123

— employed by the Tlnguian group

of Abra 123

Boy, when and how usually first

tattooed 181-188

Boys' basket-work hat Ill

— girdle Ill

— wear the breechcloth at 15 years

of age ~ 112

Bbass or tin, az handle decorated

with 130

— wire and cartridge metal used for

making pipes 131

Brraxjtast, prepared by the man 148

— , time of 148

Bbbbchcloth, bag, worn in lieu of.... 112
— , commonly worn as an apron in

Bontoc and Samoki 112

— , flayed tree bark, made in Barlig,

Tulubin. Tltipan, Agawa, and

other pueblos 112

— , measuring, method of 218

— , trade in, cotton 112

— , varieties of 112

— worn during menstruation 113

— worn by boys at the age of 15 112

Digitized by

Google

252

INDBX

[BTB. SUSY. 1

Page

Bronzb gongs 189

BuiiJ>iNO the sementera 89-93

BniiJ>iNa8 In Bontoc village 50

BuKiDNON people, location of.... Footnote 20
BuNATAN, a dialect group of Igorot.... 28
Burial 74-80

— of beheaded man 80

— of unmarried people 80

— , separate, for old and rich men.... 78
Burns, flesh, cure for 73

Caoayan people, location of Footnote 19

Calendar 218-221

Camotb beds, how prepared 95, 96

— , ceremony for abundant crop of.... 213

— , cooked and eaten 140

— , harvesting of 105

— , red, varieties of 98

— sementeras or garden plats,

burials in 79

— stick, used by women 116

— storing 106

— , white, varieties of 98

Carabao 107. 108

— eaten at funeral feast 75-77

— eaten both ceremonially and

merely as food 140

— , killed, cooked, and eaten 142

— meat, "dried" 142

— obtained by Igorot from Tingulan

people of Abra 108

— , size, age, and value of, how shown 218

— , WILD 81, 82, 108

— , ceremony to attract to Bontoc 81, 82

— , method of hunting 82

— , number recently killed 82

Care of child in parents' dwelling 61, 62

Cartridges, metal, used for making

pipes 131

Case, of nouns, how represented 229

Cast iron pots, Chinese, used for

making weapons 126

Cai", wild 84, 85

Cattle in Benguet Province 107

Census of an Igorot village 42

Cereals, basket for conveying 122. 123

Ceremonial .songs 152

Ceremonials, absence of formalism

in uttering 207

— , religious, in Bontoc 48

— connected with agriculture 207-213

— connected with climate 213. 214

— connected with head taking 214, 215. 222

— for the sick 195-200

— , method of working off superfluous

energy 154

Ceremony, Chaka, first day, each

family kills hog 207, 208

— , second day, first part, woman
invites ancestral anito to

feast 208. 209

— , second day, second part, man
kills chicken and petitions
blessing 208, 209

Page

Ceremony, Chaka, third day, each
rice sementera is visited and
invocation asked for abun-
dance 209, 210

— , fourth day, each family has a

feast of fish _ 210

— , fifth day, Patay ceremony for

whole village in sacred grove 210, 211

Ceremony connected with ato 215

— for propitious head-hunting,

places for 177, 178

— , head ..- 180, 181

— of breaking peace 176, 177

— of head taking, folk tale, part

of 225, 226

— of peace 176

— over body of beheaded man 182

Cervantes, capital of Lepanto-Bon-

toc Province 31

Chakon, first season of year 215-220

— season, periods of 220

Chamorro language of Guam, cited 228-231
Chaowi, home of Lumawig in Bontoc 201
Characteristics of Igorot people,

brief summary />f 14, 15

Charcoal, pine, fuel'of 126

Charitable views of the Igorot 71

Chastity of the Igorot. 67

Chicken 109, 110

— , eaten only ceremonially 140

— , eaten at funerals 77

— , markings of 109, 110

— , mentioned 81, 85, 107. 109. 110

Chicken pox 71

Child 45, 46, 61-66

— , care of 61, 62

— , mortality of 43, 45

— , pathology of « 46, 47

— , somatology of 45, 46

Childbirth 59, 60

— of spirit people 197

Childrbn, age when, leave home to

sleep in olag or pabafunan 62

— , care of babes by 61, 62

I — , guarding palay sementeras from

I birds by 134

I — , heads of, not taken by Bontoc

village 182

— , how address parents 155

I — , parent's love of 69, 60

I Chinamwi ceremony 214

j Chinese bar iron used for making

weapons

— , early imports to Manila

— merchants in Philippines, 1250
I A. D

Cholera, rice

' Christian Filipinos, former polite-
ness of

i — named and located Footnote 19

I Circumcision 63, 64

— done by men 184

Clay, analysis of pottery 120

— , grass used for firing 119, 120

— , pipes of, made in Agawa 131

126
190

190
71

155

Digitized by

Google

ETH. SUBV. 1]

INDEX

253

Page
Clay pita near Samokl Tillage 114

— used In making Samokl pottery.... 117
Climate, ceremonies connected

with 218, 214

— , CEREMONY, cbinamwi. to stop cold 214

— , Pakil, for rain 213

— , Kalob, to stop cold, windy rains.... 214

Cloth, native woven, bartered 153

Clothing, dress, and adornment,

vocabulary of 238, 239

— , production and use of 111-114

Clouds are smoke 216. 217

CocKTiGHTiNG, Philippine sport 194

Coffee berries eaten by wild-cats 84

Coffins, pine 77-80

Coins, their use in sales 155

Cold and fog, ceremony to stop 214

Colds 73

Commerce 151-159

— , Continued Free 159

— , Fortuitous 158

-J-. instinct for 151

— .Irregular Intrusive 158

— .Irregular Invited 158

— , peace important factor in develop-
ing 154

— , Periodic Free 158, 159

— , stages of 158, 169

Conquest 138

Consanouineal and social relation-
ships, vocabulary of 238

C6NS0NANTS, initial, interchange of.. 220

Consumption, a disease 72

Consumption of foods and bever-
ages 139-148

Constabulary building near Bontoe

village 49

Contents, table of 5-8

Cook, Captain, referred to, by Bi-
lls Footnote 18

Copper, mined by Igorot in present
Benguet and Lepanto Provinces
when Spaniards came 190

— earrings 185

— pot, making of. in folk tale 221, 222

Cordillera Central 23-27

Cosmology. and physical forces, Lu-

mawlg gave and controls 216, 217

— , vocabulary of 234, 235

Cotton, tree, used for making fire.... 133
— , woman's clothing made by Ilokano 114

Councils of old men 51

Counterfeit money, made by Igorot.. 155

Courtship among the Igorot 66, 67

CowiE, Andson, quoted on Sulu lan-
guage 232, 233

Crabs, eaten 141, 142

Crime, detection of 168, 169

— , blood test 169

— , chicken-gall test 169

— , egg test 169

— , hot-water test 169

— , rice-chewing test 168, 169

— , punishment of, for adultery 170

— , for assault and battery 169, 170

— , for stealing 169

Page
Crimes cited, three definite, in

detail 170, 171

— , detection and punishment for.... 168-171

— named 168

Crow, origin of, folk tale of 224, 225

— , superstition in regard to 79

— , warns Igorot of pending evil 198

Crustaceans, eaten 87, 141, 142

Cultivating crops 99, 100

Culture, diversity of, among Igorot

peoples 28, 29

— grade of primitive people better

determined by economic stand-
ard than by any other single

standard 81

Cultural movements, historical

direction of 89

— production 88, 137

CtJRRBNCY, palay 156

— , denominations of 156

Dalrymple, Alex, quoted by Roth on

head-hunting in Borneo 173

Dance, always accompanied by gong

music 150

— , funeral 194

— , instinct to 65

— , man's war 194

— movements 193

— of men 193

— of women, nature of 193

Dancers, almost always play gong.... 193

dancing 193, 194

Dapay in villages of Sagada, Agawa,

Takong, Balili, and Alap, same

as ato in Bontoe 49

Data, village of, pottery of 117

Days, rest or sacred, by whom

determined and announced 205

— , occur about every ten days 206, 207

— , fine for working in field on 206, 207

Deaf and dumb dead person, spirit of,

name of 196

Death 74-80

— and burial 74-80

— , cause of „ 74

— . life after, of all things 196

— , naturalness of 75, 76

— not taken sorrowfully 74, 75

— , philosophy of 74, 78

— , or transformation of spirit people 193
Debt of life, cause for continuation

of head-hunting 172

— illustrated 183

Decoration 187-189

— . the permanent adornment of the

person 187-189

Deer, methods of hunting 82

Democracy, government of Bontoe... 167

Desertion of husband or wife 70

Development of Igorot, future, some

reasons for believing in 151

Dialect, separate, B6ntoc language.. 227

Diarrhea 72

Diaz, Friar Casimiro, cited 123

Dikes, stone, of sementeras 134

Digitized by

Google

254

INDfiX

[KTH. 8USV. 1

Page
Dikes, stonb, of sembntbbas, weed-
ing of 114

DiNWiDDiB, Qovemor Wiluam, re-
ferred to Footnote 182

Dipper, wooden 116

Disease 71-74

— , cause of 71

Distribution, economic 137-138

— , of wealth, natural 137

Division of labor 134-136

Divisions of Bontoc village, political.. 49

Divorce 69-70

— , cause for 69-70

— of Lumawig 203

— , ownership of property in case of.. 69

— , when no 203

Doa 110-111

— eaten only ceremonially 140

— eaten in Benguet Province Ill

— killed, cooked, and eaten 142, 143

— , peculiarities of 110

— , superstition regarding 79

— , trained hunting 82

Dormitories in Bontoc pueblo, mar-
ried man's and visitor's 61

Dreams, sources of belief in spirit

world 197

Dress 184-187

— , adornments, movable, of people 184-187

— , head, man's 184, 186

— , worn on girdle 184

Drunkenness at funeral 76

Drum, wooden. Igorot, where found.... 192

Dwelling, family 56-69

— , family, described 56-69

— in Bontoc pueblo, construction and

description of 56

— , value of 161

Dtsbntert. acute 72

Bar, mutilation of, permanent deco-
ration 187

— plugs 184, 186

— slit 184, 185

— stretchers 184. 185

Barrings, copper 185

— , gold 185

— , gold, bartered — 163

— , silver 185

Barth, all bones 216

— , crumbling, warn Igorot of pend-
ing evil 198

Barthquakbs, Lumawig makes by

shoving earth back and forth.... 217

Bating trays 123

Bckman, Capt Blmer A., referred to 13
— , with Lieutenant Powles organized

Igorot Constabulary 38

Economic life 81-166

— standard better than any other

single standard to determine
culture grade of primitive

people 81

Bogs, hard boiled, fed to babes 148

— , stale, eaten 143

Page
Blus' Polynesian Researches
quoted on migrations of Pacific

peoples Footnote 18

Blton, Lieut F., quoted on tribes in

Solomon Islands Footnote 53

Bnemt, each village an 175

Bnergt, method of working off super-
fluous 194

Bngineering skill of Igorot irri-
gators 92, 93

English- Sulu-Malay vocabulary,

etc., quoted 232, 283

Epidemics, absence of 71

Estate of Somkad, amicable division

of 76

"Ethics lock" on an Igorot dwelling

in Bontoc pueblo 59

Etiquette, almost no 195

Evil, Igorot warned of pending 198

EIxcHANGE, and wages of labor 136, 137

— , the medium of 154, 155

Exorcist, functions of 198-26o

— , household, functions of 199, 200

— , insupak 198-200

Expense and profit in agriculture 107

Eyes, sore 73

Fakil ceremony 213

Family 59-71

— breakfasts together at dwelling.... 148

— exorcists ^ 199, 200

— , love foundation of 68

— of spirit people 197

— sups together in dwelling 148. 149

Fatalism In disease 73

Fatanga, brother-in-law of Lumawig,

turned to a rock for doubting

Lumawig's power j* 202

— , male ancestor of present people

In Bontoc village.....'. 201

— , namesake of ancestor, brother-in-
law of Lumawig 202

Fawi, man's ceremonial building

among Bontoc Igorot 60-62

— , public ceremonial building 50-62

Fayu. dwelling of wealthier family.... 66-68

Feast, marriage 82

Feasting among the Igorot 79

Feet, abnormal, among Igorot 46, 47

Fertilizer, ash as a 97

— , hog manure as 97

Fertilizing the soil 97

Ferrule, bejuco, used on spear shaft.. 128

— , iron, used on spear shaft 128

— • used on ax 130

Fevers 71

Fight, annual rock, between men of

Bontoc and Samoki 212

Filipinos. Christian, formisr polite-
ness of 195

FiNLEY. Frank, goes to settle disa-
greement between Igorot and
insurrecto officials in Bontoc

village in 1901 38

Fire, friction machine for making.... 188

Digitized by

Google

ETH. BXmV. 1]

INDBX

255

Page
FiRB making, with percussion ma-
chine 133

— , primitive making of 183, 134

— , Sagada flint for making 133

— , tree cotton, used for igniting 133

PiRB STRiNGB of the Tinguiau people.. 134
Fish, eaten hoth ceremonially and

merely as food 140

— not plentiful 81

— , preparation, cooking, and eating

of 141

— trap 86-87

Fishing 85-87

Flesh, ceremonial eating of 140

— , nonceremonial eating of 140

— , "preserved" 142

Flint, for making Are 183

Flood, Bontoc story of „ 201

Flutes, bamboo, scarcity of 192

Foo, and cold, ceremony to stop 214

Folk tale 221-226

— , coling, the serpent eagle, origin

of 222, 223

— , crow, the, and large lizard, origin

of 224, 225

— , eagle, serpent, or coling, once an

abused son 222, 223

— , head, my father's, who took. 225, 226

— , head-hunting, origin of 221, 222

— , kaag, the monkey, origin of 223, 224

— , snake, the, origin of 225

— , sun man and moon woman 174

— , sun, the man, and woman, the
moon ; or, origin of head-hunt-
ing 221, 222

— , sun, the, took head of Bontoc

man 226, 226

— , tilin, the rice bird, origin of 223

— teaches penalty to parents who

abuse their children 222-224

Foods „ 189-143

— and beverages, vocabulary of 240

— eaten by Igorot 139-143

— , flesh, preferences for ^ 180

— , practically all animals are eaten.. 139

— , vegetable, preferences for 189

Forbes, H. O., quoted on tribes in

Timor Island Footnote 63

Fobbsts, ownership of 162

Formalities, almost no 196

Formosa, probability of rice ter-
races in 89

FoBMOSAN languages similar to those

of Korea 227

— people, same parent stock as Bon-

toc Igorot 227

Fowl, wild, domesticated by Ibilao

people 110

— , wild, snaring of 83-86

Friction machine for making flre 138

Fuel of pine charcoal 126

FuKAN, adventures of 208

— becomes wife of man in Tinglayan 203
— , children of, killed eight times

by village of Kanyu 208

Page
FuKAN, dead children of, buried in
Bontoc, become groves of sa-
cred trees 203

— , female ancestor of present people

In Bontoc village 201

— leaves house in Tinglayan and

dies 204

— , wife of Lumawig, divorced 208

— , wife of Lumawig, namesake of

her ancestor 201

Funeral, part played by corpse in.... 75

Future life, all things have. 196

Gaddan, a dialect group of Igorot 28

— people, location of Footnote 19

Gall, chicken's, warns Igorot of

pending evil 198

Gambling, Philippine sport 194

Game, greatest, of chance and skill.... 194

Games 194, 196

— of boys 66

— of chance, common, Bontoc Igorot

has none 194

— , fewness of 64-68

Gender of nouns, how represented.... 229

General social life 48-80

Geometric basic of tattoo 188

Gestures 196

Ghost, belief in 196

Girdle, woman's heirloom 186, 187

— , bark-fiber strings used for Ill

— of metal chain 112

— used as an apron ill

— , varieties of ill

— , woman's, of woven bark fiber 118

GiBLS, nudity of, until 8 or 10 years

of age 118

Glazing pottery 117

— , resin gum used for 120

God, Igorot, Lumawig 200-204

GoDDEN, Gertrude M., quoted on

NAgft hlU tribes of India.. Footnote 68
Godwin-Austen, Major, quoted on

G&ro hill tribes of India.... Footnote 52
GoESSMANN, Chas. A., Quoted on

composition of salt „... 147

Goiter 78

Gold earrings 186

— t bartered 168

Gong, bronze 189

— , by whom played 190

— , how played 190

— , how played in Balili and Alap

villages , 191

— , music of _... 190

— , music of, always accompanied by

dance 190

— , music of, rhythm of 190, 191

— , size of 190

— , two classes 190

— , where made 190

Government, Bontoc, mainly aborig-
inal • 167

— , simplest democracy 167

Digitized by

Google

256

INDEX

[BTH. 8UBV. 1

Page
GovEBNMBNT buUdings near Bontoc

pueblo, Spanish 48, 49

QovBBNiiBNT Labobatort, Manila,

quoted on composition of salt.... 147

Oranaby, Bontoc rice 48

— for storing rice 106

— value of 161

Obatitudb, almost never expression.. 195

"Gbbbns" cooked and eaten 140

Gboup labob, meaning of term 136

Gbovbs, religious 48

Guns In recent battles 180

Haib, curly, prevalence of 41

— . facial 41, 42

Haib dress of beads, woman's 185, 186

Hammeb, steel, used for finishing

weapons 126

— , stone 115, 126, 127

Habvbst, rice, ceremony for 212

Habvbstebs, difficulty In photo-
graphing 104

Habvbsting 103-105

Hat, basket-work 111-121

— , rain, of Bontoc area Ill

— , sleeping 80

— of Barllg village Ill

— trade. In Ambawan Ill

Hbao, ceremony to determine who

took 214. 222

Hbadachb 73

Headband, of beaten bark Ill

Head cebbmony 180, 181

— at Samokl village 180, 181

Hbaddbess, man's 184, 185

— , woman's 185, 186

HEAD-HUNtEBS, people have been, for

untold generations 171

Head-hunting, greatest game of

chance and skill 194

— , war and 171-183

— , beliefs arise to support 174

— .causes for, summarized 174

— , causes assigned for 174

— ceremony, for propitious event.. 177, 178

— due to desire for emotional activ-

ity 176

— fostered by Spaniards ^ 36, 37

— in Borneo, causes for 172-174

— in Borneo, passion for 173

— , origin of folk tale 221. 222

— , probable cause for continuation

of 172

— tendency of Igorot strengthened

by Spaniards 39

Headman, no, in Bontoc 166, 167

Heads, number taken in Borneo by

ancestor matter of boast by

descendent 172

Head takeb. tattoo of 188, 189

Head takeb' s tattoo, importance of

and prob|bIe influence of 188

— , meaning of 189

Head taking, causes of, continued.... 175

Page
Head taking ceremony, Changtu, to
ward off from village destruc-
tive anito 214,215

— , Kafokab, to determine who took

the head 214, 222

— , ceremonies connected with 214, 215, 222

— folk tale, part of head-taking

ceremony 225, 226

— in Bontoc village, not largely due

to superstition 175

— , little formality about 179

— , possible first cause 172

— , story about origin of 174

Heaung of sores and bruises, slow.... 73

Health of Igorot 71

Hbibloom girdle, woman's » 186, 187

Histobical sketch of the Bontoc

man 35-39

Histoby of Bontoc Igorot 35-39

Hog 108, 109

— , castration of 109

— , ceremonial killing of, by Benguet

Igorot 141

— ceremonial killing of, by Bontoc

Igorot - 140, 141

— culture in Bontoc 108, 109

— , domestic, eaten only ceremonially 140

— , eaten at funeral 77

— , "farming" of 109

— , half wild 108, 109

— manure a fertilizer 97

— , preparation, cooking, and eating

of ^ 141

— , size of, how shown 218

— , wild, eaten merely as food 140

— , wild, method of hunting 82, 83

— , wild, protection of growing rice

from 102

Home and field, vocabulary of 242

-7- life in Bontoc, absence of 62

Hobse racing, Philippine sport 194

HoBSES in Benguet, Lepanto-Bontoc,

and Abra Provinces 107

HosTiUTY of the people, interferes

with trade 117

HUI3EBT, HoMEB B., quotod on For-

mosan languages ^ 227

Human being, place of defecation of.. 109

— being, life of, after death ^ 190

— body, conditions of, vocabulary

of 237, 238

— being's spirit, speech 196

HuMOB of Igorot 105

Hunt, Dr. Tbuman K, appointed

lieutenant-governor Bontoc sub-
province 88

— , goes to settle disagreement be-
tween Igorot and insur recto of-
ficials in Bontoc village In 1901 88

— , lieutenant-governor, referred

to 13, footnote 182

Hunting 81-85

Ibilao people, "debt of life" the

cause of head taking given by.. 174

— domesticate wild fowl 110

Digitized by

Google

BTH. 8USV. 1]

INDEX

257

Page

IBILAO PBOPUB employ the bow 123

— , location of 19, footnote 20

IQOROT agriculture 88

— basket work 114

— clothing, production of 114

— culture group 23-20

— haa natural money 117

— land 23-27

— loom — 114

— , meaning of word 27

— night clothing, absence of 113

— pottery — 114

— , "stone age" of 115

— weapons 123

IGOBOT PBOPUB 27-29

— , brief summary of general charac-
teristics of 14, 16

— , dialect groups of 28

— , diversity of culture of 28, 29

— » habitat of 24-26

— , location of 27-29, footnote 20

— . numbers of 27, 28

ILLU8TBATION8. Credit for 13

— , list of 9-12

ILOKANO cotton, woman's clothing

made of 114

— , influence of, on trade language 157

— men in Bontoc village 48

— people in Bontoc village 38, 39

— people, location of Footnote 19

— presidentes 167

— weapon used in Agawa, Sagada,

Balili. Alap, etc 130

ILOMGOT people, same as Ibilao.. Footnote 20

iMBBcniTT among Igorot. 47

IMMORTAUTT of Spirit of all things.... 196
luPLBMHNT and utensil production.. 114-123

— and utensil, metal, production and

uses of 116, 117

— and utensil, wooden, production

and uses of 115, 116

— used by women of Bontoc 116

INDUSTBT of certain period in year

gives its name to period 220

— of Igorot 89,90

iNTAMTiciDB of twin, custom breaking

down 60

Infants, care of Igorot 61

— , Igorot method of feeding 61

INHBBTTANCB and bequost 164, 165

— by children at marriage 164

— by children seldom before mar-

riage 164

— , law of 164, 166

— of salt houses 146, 146

— of property 164, 166

— , usually on day of funeral of

deceased 166

INJURBD people, killing of 47

INSANB dead person, spirit of, name

of 196

Insanity among Igorot 47

INSTRUMBNTAL mUSiC 189-192

INSUPAK, benefits to sick by 199

— , compared to healers of other

primitive peoples 199

15223 17

Page

iNSUPAK, exorcist 198-200

— , how a person becomes an 199

— , methods of 198, 199

— , treatment by 198, 199

INSURBBCTO Officials in Bontoc village

shot by Igorot 38

INSURRBCTOB drive Spaniards from

Bontoc 36, 37

— persecute Igorot 37

INTBRBST on loans 163

Introduction to study of Bontoc

man 33-36

Intugtxtkan, council of old men.... 167, 168

— , functions of 167, 168

— , governing body in Bontoc village 32, 33
IPUKAO, Bontoc Igorot name of self.... 33

— , dialect group of Igorot 28

— , meaning of word 33

Iron boilers, Chinese 117

— , Chinese bar, used for making

weapons ~ 126

— , Chinese, cast, used for making

weapons 126

— implements, utensils, and weapons 116

— smiths 127

— spears 126

— , tempering of 127

— , tubular pipes made in Baliwang.... 132

— welding, in Baliwang 127

Irrigating, agricultural 91-93

— dams, built at Bontoc 91-93

— , methods of 91-93

— rice lands 91-93

ISANAT, a dialect group of Igorot. 28

Itch 72

Jackbts not generally worn 114

Java, bellows used in Footnote 126

— , rice terraces in 89

Jaw, human, handle of gong 190

— of captured head, used on victor's

gong 180

Jbnks, Dr. Albbrt Brnbst, Chief,
The Ethnological Survey, letter

of transmittal of 3

— , photographs by 13

Jbw'8-harp, music of 191, 192

— .widespread among primitive Ma-
layan peoples 191

Journal of thb Anthropological
Institutb of Orbat Brit-
ain AND IRBLAND, referred
to Footnote 62, 53

Kalinga, a dialect group of Igorot.... 28

— shield, description of 124

Kalob ceremony 214

Kambulo villagb. woven bark-flber

blankets made in 113

Kantu villagb, winnowing tray

made in 123

Kasip, last season of year 219, 220

— season, periods of 220

Katyufong, dwelling of poor family.. 68
Katkat or common agricultural

implement 116, 116

Digitized by

Google

258

INDEX

[RTH. 8URV. 1

Page

K188, Igorot do not 195

Knife, ax used as 129

— , bamboo 115

Knifk-bladb machine, bamboo 128

Knowlbdgb, actual 2ie-221

Korean language similar to those of

Formosa , 227

Korean Review quoted 227

Labor, division of 134-136

— , equal wages for equal 136

— , exchange and wages of 136

— of the group, meaning of the term 186

— , wages of 137

Laborer, woman as 136

Laborers, home coming of 102, 103

— , songs of 192

Labors, hour of beginning agricul-
tural 148

— , time of stopping 148

Ladle, wooden 116

Lakes, absence of in northern Luzon 25

Lamp, primitive 148, 149

Lanao, a detached section of Bontoc,

depopulated by disease 49

Lanao Moro people, location of.. Footnote 20
Lands, public, era of, practically

passed 162

Lang's, John Dunmore, View of the
Origin and Migrations of the

Polynesian Race Footnote 18

Language 227-248

— , Bontoc, no r sound in 228

— , Bontoc, separate dialect 227

— , Igorot, spelling of 13

— , inconsistencies in 229

— , introduction to study of 227

— , Philippine, from roots of prim-
itive Malayan tongue 227

— . trader's 157, 158

Languages, relation of Malay, Sulu,

Bontoc, and Benguet Igorot.... 231-233

Lease of property 163

Lepanto Province, description of

shield in 124

— , woman's clothing in 114

Lepanto Igorot loom 114

— , referred to _ 34

Leprosy unknown 71

Lias village, migration of Bontoc

people to 49

Life, future, of all things 196

— , future, where spent 197

— in Olag 66-68

— of Igorot. little color in 184

' — of person's body after death 196

— of spirit ,man 197

Lightning, a wild hog 216

Linguistic inconsistencies 229

— , Interchange of initial consonants.. 227

— , Irregular placing of accents 229

— , unstable vowel sounds 227

Lip gesture In Philippines 195

Liquor, fermented 116

Lizard, large, origin of, folk tale.... 224, 225

Page

Loan of property 168

Locust, eating „... 72, 73

— basket 123

LoMBOK Island, terraces of 89

Low, Sir Hugh, Sarawak : Its Inhab-
itants and Productions .... Footnote 53

Lumawig, appeared in Bontoc, first

time 201

— appeared in Bontoc, second time.. 201

— ascension from Bontoc, first 201

— , belief in, developed from animism 205

— changed one sun to the present

moon 221

— , code of morals given by 202

— , creator of all nature 200

— entreated at marriage ceremony.... 69

— first to divorce wife who had borne

children 203

— , garden of, plants perpetual • to-
day in „ 202

— gives all fruitage, and sends and

checks all phsrsical forces 200, 201

— , god of the Bontoc culture area 204

— helped construct public building

in ato Lowingan and Slpaat 202

— , home of, in Bontoc 201

— , Igorot god 69, 200-204

— Jealous over second marriage of

wife, forbids her leaving house.. 204

— marries ~..:. 201

— , marvelous powers of 201, 202

— , miraculous garden of, still In

Bontoc 202

— not going to return to Bontoc 204

— once a mah In Bontoc village 200

— , other names of 201

— t personification of nature's forces.. 200
— , present dwelling place of „ 200

— said to have taught war to Igo-

rot 174, 202

— seeking a desirable wife 201

— still lives in the sky 204

— taught Bontoc agriculture 202

— , three classes of professional

people Intercede 205

— , with three children, ascends the

second time to the sky 204

Lumber measurement 218

Luzon, Negritos in 123

— , northern, four distinct types of

surface in 23-26

— , northern, geographic description

of 23-27

— , people of Footnote 20

Lying, a crime 168

McDouGALL, Mrs. F. F., quoted by
Roth on origin of head-hunting

in Borneo 178

Madagascar, bellows used in.. Footnote 126
Maguindanao Moro people, location

of Footnote 20

Maize, cooked and eaten 140

— , harvesting of 106

— , storing of .- 106

Digitized by

Google

■TH. 8UBT. 1]

INDEX

259

Page
Malay dictionary, quoted 2S2, 283

— language, relation of, to Sulu,

Benguet and Bontoc Igorot.... 281-233

— vocabulary 282, 238

Maultan bellows 12S, 126, 131, 132

— , blowgun natural weapon of 128

— , modem, great gamester 194

— never created national organiza-

tion ^ 167

— , primitive, language of, widespread 227

— , primitive, not naturally polite 195

— , primitive, supposed birthplace of.. 18
— , primitive, widespread early move-
ments of 52-65

— , ravages of southern 188

— , spear of 128

Man 89-48

— , athletic development of 40, 41

— , basket worker 121

— , beheaded, burial of, in Banawi.. 182. 183
— , beheaded, ceremony over body of.. 182

— , beheaded, future life of 175

— . brachycephalic 40

-— , clothing of 111-113

— , clothing of, production and use

of 111-118

— , dance of 191

— , dolichocephalic, decidedly not 40

— , Igorot has little knowledge of 217

— , measurements of 40

— , mortality of 42, 43

— , natural pedestrian 40, 41

— , occupation of 134, 136

— , pathology of „ 46. 47

— , prehistoric. In Malay Archipel-
ago 17, 18

— , somatology of 89-48

— , Uttoo of 188, 189

— , young, invited by young woman

to olag 68

Mandata people, location of Footnote 20

Mamoilot, Igorot man, real property

of 161

Mamoitan people, location of.. 19, footnote 20
Manobo people, location of.... 19. footnote 20

Mao, a tribe in India Footnote 58

Mabkkt, the ^ 158, 159

Masks of Bontoc culture „ 82, 83

Marriagb 68, 70

— among the Igorot 66-68

— , ceremonies of, among the Igorot.. 69
— , children's Inheritance before and

after 164

— of children, rich, frequently

pledged early 68

— , Lumawlg entreated at 69

— of spirit people 197

— trial 69

— union In Bontoc, productiveness

of 59

— , what unions forbidden „ 68

Marribd women in Bontoc village,

social life of 58

Mabsh, Major, follows Agulnaldo

through Bontoc 37, 88

Page

Mabsh, Major, leaves few American
soldiers in Bontoc village under
volunteer lieutenant 38

— , lieutenant of, appoints Insurrecto

officials In Bontoc 38

Mabtin, Chabijbs, Government pho-
tographer, photographs by 13

BiATiNiT viLiAGB, Importance of

barter to 158

— seat of salt manufacture 146

— , spear shafts made In 128

Mbals and mealtime 148, 149

Mbaslxs .' 71

BiBASUBB, dry, no 218

— , linear 217

— , linear, span and half span 218

— , linear, spread of arms and half-
spread arms 218

— of breechcloth 218

— of distance on trail 218

— of exchange value 165, 156

— of liquids, no 218

— of rice sementeras 218

Mbdium of exchange 154, 156

Mblanbsians, men's hall of Footnote 68

Mbn, rulers of the village 186

Mbnstbuation, breechcloth worn

during 118

Mbnsubation 217-221

Mbntal ufb 216-226

— , paucity of, shown 221

Mkbbill, Blmbr D., botanist Govern-
ment Laboratories, quoted 120

Mbtal implements and utensils .... 116, 117

— pipes ~ „ 180

— spear blades made in Baliwang.... 125

— weapons, production and uses

of 126-130

— , when used us

Mbtai«lubgt, Igorot has some prac-
tical knowledge of 126

BiiOBATioN of Bontoc people before

advent of Spaniards 49

— of Pacific people Footnote 18

MnxBT, cooked and eaten 140

— , harvesting of 105

— , storing of 106

— , varieties of 98

Mimetic x>ancx of man 194

— of woman, beginning of 198, 194

Mindanao, peoples of 19. footnote 20

BiiNDOBO, people of 19. footnote 20

Modesty among Igorot, modern, ab-
sence of 67

Mohammedan Filipinos named and

located Footnote 20

— , same aa Moro.

MoLLUSKS eaten 141, 142

Monogamy In Bontoc 59

MoNBY, a natural. Igorot has. 117

— . medium of exchange often charac-
teristic product of a community 165
— , native, seems unique In Philip-
pines 164

— , primitive, fully developed 154-166

Digitized by

Google

260

INDEX

[KTH. 8UBY. 1

Pase

MoNKBT, origin of, folk tale 228, 224

— r. protection of growing rice from..., 102
Moon ia woman 216

— ia woman, folk tale 221, 222

— once a sun 221

Moons, eight recognized phases of 219

Morals, code of, given by Lumawig.... 202
MOBUBT, Rbubbn H., lived in Bontoc

area 88

MoRO ravages 188

— , same qb Mohammbdan.

— , Sulu, barong of 180

MoTHBB, abuse by, turns son to an

eagle, folk Ule 222, 228

— , abuse by, turns sons to monkeys,

folk tale 223, 224

— , scolding by, of daughter, turns

her to a rice bird, folk tale 223

Mountains, the habitat of the Igorot.. 25
MouBNiNO dirges 75

— feast for the'dead 76, 77

— for the dead, comparative absence

of 74

M(7RDBB a crime 168

— , definition of 170

— , punishment for 170

Music 189-193

— . gong 190

— , gong, represented mathematic-
ally 191

— . gong, rhythm of 190, 191

— of lovers' Jew's-harp 191, 192

— , vocal 192. 198

— , vocal, can not write or describe.... 192

— , vocal, wordless 192

Musical Instruments 189-192

NAgA, a tribe in India, the dekha

Chang among Footnote 62

Namino people, various ways of 62, 68

Nathorst, Capt Chas., on funeral

dance in Lepanto 194

— , referred to Footnote 182

Nativbs (Thb) of Sarawak and
British North Bornbo, by

Roth, quoted from 172-174

Naturb, forces of, personified 200

Natural production 81-88

— , scarcity of 81

Necklace, boar tusk ~ 185

— of beads 186

Nbortto pboplb, location of Footnote 20

— , in Luxon, bow and arrow used by.. 123

Nightmarb, belief in 196

Nouns 229, 230

— , number of, how represented 229, 230

— , slight change to indicate gender,

number, and case 229, 280

NuDiTT of girls until 8 or 10 years

of age 118

NuMBBRS, hand count 217

— , hand and foot count 217

— , how counted 217

— , knot count 217

— . notch count 217

— , pebble count 217

Page

NuMBBRS, substraction of 217

— , twig count 217

NoMBRALS, cardinal, vocabulary of.... 247

— , distributive, vocabulary of 248

— t ordinal, vocabulary of 247, 248

Olao 52-66

— , Institution and building of trial

marriage 53-65

— , life in ^ 66-68

— , purposes of, as quoted from

Blumentritt 67

— , similar institutions to 58-65

Olot, changers in religion in Bontoc

village 205

— , customs of „ 205

Oribntation 34

Orphans 70

— , care of ^ 70

Ostracism of bad spirits after death.. 196

OwNBRSHiP in salt houses 145, 146

— , with one exception, solely in mem-
ory of people 169

Pabafunan and Fawi 50-62

— , ceremonial buildings of man

among Bontoc Igorot 60-62

— , description of .iw 60, 51

— , importance of 51

— , similar institutions to 52-66

Pagan Filipinos, dialect groups of,

named and located Footnote 20

Pail, wooden 116

Palat currency 156

— , handful of, the standard of value.. 166

— , measure of exchange value 156

— , medium of exchange • 155

Pampango people, location of.... Footnote 19
Pangasinan people, location of.. Footnote 19

Paragua, people of Footnote 20

Parbnts, how, address children 195

Pastihb, most common 198

Palay, same as Rice.

Patay ceremony 218

— , class of priests 205, 206

Pathological conditions of Igorot.... 46-47

Pbacb, ato, not village, makes 176

— . ceremony for breaking 176, 177

— , ceremony of 176

— , important factor in developing

commerce 154

— , terms of, between villages 176

Peal, S. B., quoted on tribes in

Assam Footnote 52

Pedestrian, Igorot man natural 40, 41

PdRBZ, Angbl, R. P. Fr., quoted on

Spanish among Igorot 35

— , cited 123

Person, spirit, death or transforma-
tion of 197

Personal property of group 160

— of individuals 159, 160

Philippines, bellows used in.. Footnote 126
Philippinb Archipelago, geographic

location of , 17

— , geological formation of 17

Digitized by

Google

STH. SUBV. 1]

INDEX

261

Page
Phiijppinb Abchipblago, peopling

of 18-20

Pios, feeding of 116

— , food for 134

PiNBAPPLE now wild in Bontoc 81

PiNTBNG, function of 198

— , spirit of all beheaded people 19G

PiPB, beeswax used for making

models of 131

— , cast metal, smoking, made in

Tukukan 132

— , casting of metal 132

— , clay, made in Agawa 131

— , clay, wood, and metal 130

— , color of 131

— made in Tltipan, Ankiling, Sa-

gada, Bontoc, and Samoki 132

— .making "anitp" 132

— , making of, with brass wire and

cartridge metal ,. 131

— , metal "anlto," made in Sabangan,

Oenugan, and Takong 131

— production, and smoking 130-133

— , varieties of wood used in 130

Pirates, Malayan 18

Political divisions of Bontoc village 49

— life and control 167, 168

PoPUUkTiON of Bontoc village 49

Pots used for making sugar 126

Potters, women 117-120

Pottery 117-121

— , barter of 152

— , Bitwagan as a competitor with

Samoki in ~ 117

— , glazing of 117

— , Igorot 114

— of Samoki 117-121

— of the pueblo of Data 117

— , production and uses of 117-121

— , resin used for glazing 120

— , Samoki, as medium of exchange.... 155

— sold to Antedao, Fidelisan, Sa-

gada, Titipan, and other nearby

pueblos 117

PowLBSS, Lieut. Louis A., with
Lieutenant (now Captain) Bck-
man, organized Igorot Constab-
ulary 38

Praters to Lumawig 200, 201

Preface to Bontoc Igorot study 13-15

Pregnancy before marriage, frequent 66-68
Presidente, institution of, estab-
lished by Spaniard 39, 167

Province of Lepanto, woman's cloth-
ing in 114

Priests, called Patay, petition Lu-
mawig for general well-being 205. 206
— , called Waku, decide ceremonial

and rest days 205

— , earmarks of, scarcely shown by

Igorot so-called priesthood 205

— , one class of, drives away storms

and petitions for good crops.... 206

— , only men are public 135

Priesthood, a developing 205, 206

Primitive agriculturist 138

— Are making 133, 134

Page

Primogeniture recognized 165

Production, economic 81-137

— and uses of basket work 121-123

— and uses of clothing 111-114

— and uses of metal weapons 125-130

— and uses of weapons 123-130

— and uses of wooden weapons.... 124, 125

— , cultural 88

— , natural 81-88

— of metal implements and - uten-

sils 116. 117

— of pipes, and smoking 130-133

— of utensils and implements 114-123

— , vegetal „ 81-88

Pronouns 230, 231

— , personal 280

— , personal, possessive suffixes of 230

— , possessive 230

Property, bequest of 164, 166

— , idea of, clear 159

— , inheritance of 164, 165

— , lease of 163

— , loan of 163

— , modern disputes regarding 159

— , personal, of group 160

— , personal, of group, giving way to

personal property of individual 160
— , personal, of individual, of what it

may consist 169, 160

— , personal, of richest man in Bontoc

village 160

— , public 162

— , real, of individual 160. 161

— , real, of richest man in Bontoc

village 161

— , rent of 163

— , sale of, usual causes for 162, 168

— , transmission of 70

— right 159-168

Prostitutes 73

Protecting the growing crops 100-108

Puberty 66

— , age at 46

Public property 162

Pueblo or village, Bontoc 48, 49

Punishment after death, no 196

Quarantine by Igorot 71

QuiANGAN area, bolo scabbard of 130

— area, Sapao bolo used in 130

— area, stone table in 115

— , Igorot referred to .*..... 34

— , Igorot robberies by 138

Rain, ceremonies for 214

— is river water gathered at night

by clouds and dropped 216, 217

— protector, woman's, made in Am-

bawan and Barlig 122

Rainfall In Igorot habitat 26, 27

"Rakb off," no, in Bontoc 166

Rats 100, 102

— , superstition regarding 79

— warn Igorot of pending evil 198

Real property of group 162

— of Individual 160-162

Digitized by

Google

262

INDEX

[BTH. 8UBV. 1

Page

Reuoion 196-216

— , basis of, belief In splriU 205

— , changing faith In 204, 206

Rblzoious ceremonials In Bontoc

village 48

Remedies, absence of therapeutic 73

— for diseases 71-74

Rent, loan, and lease of property 168

Resin used for glazing pottery 120

Rheumatism 72

Rhythm of gong music 190, 191

— of dance 193

Rice bird, destroys rice crop 100

— granaries in Bontoc village 48

— harvest, ceremony for 212

— harvest, religious character of .... 103

— how eaten 139, 140

— Industry gives name to seasons of

year 219, 220

— , methods of threshing 139

— , preparation of, for cooking 139

— .protection of, ceremony for 212

— seed, planting of 97,98

— sementeras, measure of 218

— sieve, made in Samoki * 123

— . staple food 139

— , sweating of 72

— threshing ceremonial 181

— . unthreshed, medium of exchange.. 155

— used to manufacture a fermented

beverage 144

Richest man in Bontoc village,

wealth of 160, 161

RiLET, Mr., goes to settle disagree-
ment between Igorot and insur-
recto officials in Bontoc village,

1901 38

Rio Grande de Caoayan 25-26

RiVBBS followed by trade routes 166, 157

RoBBBBiES by the Igorot of Quiangan

area 188

— made in villages Bagabag and

Ibung 188

Rock fight, annual, between men of

Bontoc and Samokt 212

— transformed spirit person 197

Roth, H. Lino, qtiotes Dalrymple on

head-hunting in Borneo 173

— , quotes Sir Spencer St. John on

head-hunting in Borneo 172

Routes, trade 156, 157

RuiiBRS of the pueblo, men are 135

St. John, Sir Spencer, quoted by
Roth on head-hunting In Bor-
neo 172

Sabanoan village girls, short hair

of, in Lumawig tradition 201

Sadanga village once sought peace

of Bontoc, now enemy 176

Saitord, Wm. Edward, cited on Cha-

morro language of Guam.... 228, 231

Salcedo, Governor-General, sent first
Spanish expedition to northern
Luion in 1665 35

Sale 153, 154

Page
Sale, development of .; 168, 164

— of property 162, 168

Sales, coins, not paper, used in 156

Salt 145-147

— , barter of 162

— , consumption of 189-141

— , manufacture of 146-147

— » Mayinit, composition of 147

— , Mayinit, evaporating 117

— , Mayinit, medium of exchange 166

— , Michigan, composition of 147

— , Onondaga, composition of 147

Salutations 195

Salwin, bellows used in Footnote 126

Sama people, location of Footnote 20

Samal Moro people, location of Footnote 20

— , movements of „ 19

Samoki village, agricultural imple-
ment used by women of a 116

— ancestors of 49

— and Bontoc, baskets made in.... 121, 122

— , ato of 62

— , breechcloth worn as an apron in.... 112

— , clay pits near 114

— , clay used in making pottery 117

— , geographic location of 48

— hats worn in Ill

— , importance of barter to 152, 168

— , population of 49

— , possible reason for separating

from Bontoc village 168

— , pottery of 117

— rice sieve 128

— , tradition of 49

— , winnowing tray made in 128

Sapao village, bolo of, used in Am-

bawan village 180

— , bolo of, used in Quiangan area 180

— , metal spear blades made at 125

— metal spear blades seen in Quian-

gan 128

— , steel weapons made in 128

Scabbard, bolo, of the Quiangan area 180
— , wooden, of Lepanto and Benguet

Provinces 180

ScHEERBR, Otto, cited on name of

Lumawig in Benguet 201

— , manuscript on Benguet Igorot
quoted for sufllxes of pro-
nouns 280-288

Season, Chakon, first season of year.. 219

— , Kaslp, last season of year 219

Seasons in year 219, 220

— not wet and dry, but named

from rice industry 220

Seed planting 97, 98

Sbmbntera. amount of rice grown on.. 160

— , average value of 160

— , building the 89, 90

— , irrigated 89-93

— , irrigated, lease of -w. 163

— Irrigated, title to 162

— , mountain side 89

— or garden plat 80

— , stone dikes of 184

— , unirrigated -... 89, 96, 96

— unirrigated, rent of 168

Digitized by

Google

BTH. 8UBV. 1]

INDEX

263

Page

Sbmbntbra, unirrlgated, title ta 162

— , weeding stone dikes of 114

Shield, dbscbiption or. Bagneu

village 124

— , Banawi area 124

— , Bontoc area 124

— , Kalinga people 124

— , Lepanto Province 124

— , Tlnglayan area 124

Shiblds, bejuco lacing on 124

— , four patterns of wooden, in Bontoc

Province ^ ^24

— , Igorot, use of, and how made 124

Shrikes, snaring of 86

SiAM, bellows used in Footnote 126

Sick people, ceremonies for 199, 200

SiCKNBSB 71-74

— , cause of 71

— , disease, and remedies 71-74

Sieve, rice, made in Samoki village.... 123

SiuPAN, a dialect group of Igorot 28

SiLVBB earrings 185

SiPEN, a counterfeit copper coin 155

Size, age, and value of carabao, how

shown 218

— of hog, how shown 218

Skin diseases 72

— eruptions among Igorot.. 47

— tint, causes of 41

Skibt, woman's woven bark fiber 113

— not worn during the trilnsplanting

of palay 113

Skulls, Bontoc village, kept in 175

— buried by ato Sigichan of Bontoc

village 181, 182

— now in ato Sigichan of Bontoc

village 180

— of heads taken by head-hunters.... 172
Slave captors, Igorot of Asin district.. 138

— raid in Lepanto Province 138

Sleep, hour of retiring for 149

Small fruit, scarcity of 81

Smallpox 72

Smith, Wm. F., American teacher in

Bontoc village 38

— , obligation to Footnote 92

— , referred to 13

Smithies in Baliwang village, de-
scription of 125

Smiths, iron 127

Smoking, and pipe production 130-183

— in Bontoc 132

Snake, friend of Igorot, folk tale 225

— , origin of, folk Ule 226

— , transformed spirit person 197

— , superstition regarding 79

— warns Igorot of pending evil 198

Snabes, wild fowl 83, 84

Social life of married women in Bon-
toc village 68

Soil, turning for agriculture 93-96

Solomon Islands, ceremonial build-
ings in Footnote 68

Somatology 39-46

Somerville, Maxwell, referred to

on Malayan bellows Footnote 126

Page

Soul, name and functions of person's.. 197
Spanish government buildings in

Bontoc village 48, 49

— influence on Bontoc Igorot 35,

37-39, 153, 154, 157

— trail near Bontoc village 48

— treatment of Bontoc Igorot 86

Spaniards, arrival of. in Bontoc 49

— driven from Bontoc by insurrec-

tos 36, 37

— , institution of presidente created

by 167

— , method of settling property claims

of 159

Spear blade, sesthetic character of

certain kind of 128

— , barbless 127

— made in Baliwang village, varie-

ties of 127

— , metal, made In Baliwang 125

— ^, metal, made in Sapao 125

— , Sapao, seen in Quiangan 128

— , style of, used in warfare 127

Spear, Baliwang, steel of 128

— in Bontoc area 125

— , Iron 125

— shaft, bejuco ferrule used on 128

— shaft. Iron ferrule used on 128

— shaft, made in Maylnit 128

— , Sinalawitan variety, anito fright-
ened at 198

— used to scare away anito 128

Speech, human's spirit 196

Spikes, bamboo 125

Spinning thread 75

Spirit, greatest ., 200

— of beheaded person, name of 196

— of dead deaf and dumb person,

name of 196

— of insane dead person, name of 196

— person, death or transformation

of 197

— world, source of belief in 197

Spirits, belief in '. 196-198

— , belief in, basis of Igorot religion.... 205

— . evil, Igorot's protection from 198

Spoon, wooden 116

— , eating „ 116

Somkad, a wealthy Igorot, death and

burial of 74-79

Songs 192, 193

— of ceremonies 192

— , four classes of 192

— , laborers' * 192

— , serious, apparently 192

— sung in parts 192, 193

— , wordless 192

Soot, used in tattooing.. .„ 187

Springs, hot, source of salt brine for

salt manufacture 146

Stagbs of commerce 158,169

Standabu) of value 156

Stars are men 216

Stick, used by women, camote 116

"Stone Age" of the Igorot 114

Stone anvils 116, 126

Digitized by

Google

264

INDEX

[BTH. 8UST-. 1

Page

Stonb dikes of sementeras 184

-^ dikes of sementeras* weeding of.... 114

— hammers 116, 126, 127

— table in the Quiangan area 115

Stonbs, falling, warn Igorot of pend-
ing evil 198

Stobino harvested crops 105-107

SuBANO people, location of.... 19, footnote 20
SxTBTBAcnoN, numerical, how made.... 217

SuGAB 147, 148

— t manufacture of 147, 148

— , pots used for making 126

— cane crusher 147, 148

— cane, used to manufacture a bev-

erage 144

SUICIDBS 74

SuLU MOBO. barong of 130

— language, relation of, to Malay,

Benguet and Bontoc Igorot.... 231-283

— people, location of Footnote 20

— vocabulary 232, 233

SuMATBA, bellows used in Footnote 126

Sun, a man 216

— , a man, folk tale 221, 222

— took head of Bontoc man, folk

tale 225, 226

SuPALADO, changers in religion in

villages near Bontoc 204

— . customs of 204

SUPBRSTinON 71

SUPPBB, time and place of eating.... 148, 149
SuYAK viLLAGB, Lepanto Province,

slave raid on 188

SwBTTBNHAM AND Clutforo Malay

dictionary quoted 232, 233

Switch, woman's, peilnanent decora-
tion 187

Syphilis 73

Stbingb, fire, of the Tinguian people.. 184

Tagabiu people, location of Footnote 20

Tagakoli people, location of 18

— tradition of, regarding origin 18

Tagalog people, location of.... Footnote 19
Tagbanua people, location of.... Footnote 20

Takong, pueblo of 73

Tapui, a fermented beverage, pre-
pared and consumed 144, 145

— , manufacture of 135

Tabo. perpetual in Lumawig's garden

to-day 202

Tattoo 187-189

— . basU of 188

— ^, design, how drawn 187

— , color of 188

— , great permanent decoration of

person 187-189

— , head takers' 172, 188, 189

— . head takers', importance and

probable influence of 188

— , head taker's, meaning of 189

— , how made 188

— , instrument for making 188

— , meaning of 189

— on man's arm 188, 189

— , other than on arms and on man's

breast 188. 189

I Page

I Tattoo, three jrarieties of - 188. 189

— , usual age of person when tattooed 188

I — , usual flrst mark of 188

; — , when person may receive 181, 187

; — , woman's 188, 189

Tattoobb, professional 187

I Tattooing done by men 184

Tattoos in Banawi villages 189

— in Benguet Province 189

Tavbba, Dr. Pabdo db, quoted on

I meaning of word "Igorot" 27

I Tax, a developing 165, 166

Tbmpbbatubb of Igorot habitat 26-27

Tbmpbbing iron 127

Tbbbacb walls of stone 90

Tbbbacbs in China 88

— , mountain, probable origin of 88-89

Thanish, F. a.. Government analyst,

quoted 121

Thbpt 137. 138

— , a crime 168

— , practice and repression of 137, 188

Thbbad, spinning bark fiber 137

Thbbshing rice, methods of 139

Thundbb, the cry of a wild boar 216

TiMB, no definite record of, longer

than year 218, 219

Tin or brass used to decorate ax

handle ISO

— brought to Manila by early Chi-

nese 190

TiNGLAYAN Shield, description of 124

Tinguian, a dialect group of Igorot.... 28

— man said to be responsible for

supalado religion 204

— people of Abra employ the bow.... 123

— people, referred to 33, 34

TiBUBAY people, location of Footnote 20

TniPAN and Antedao villages, ax and

bolo of 130

— , fiayed tree-bark breechcloth made

. in 112

Title to property, length of time

recognized 161, 162

Tobacco, barter of 152

Toil, method of working off super-
fluous energy 194

Tools, sticks as agricultural 90

Toothache, cause of 73

Trade languages and traders 157, 168

— routes 156, 157

Trail, measure of 218

— , right to 195

Tbansformation or death of spirit

people 197

Transplanting 98, 99

— palay, skirts not worn during 113

Transportation 149-151

— basket, bamboo 121

— in Benguet, on backs 149

— by man on shoulder 149-151

— , man's strength In 149

— . methods of 149-151

— , no animal but human used In 149

— by woman on head 149-151

— , woman's strength In 160

Digitized by

Google

KTH. SUBV. 1]

INDEX

265

Page

Tbats, eating 128

— , winnowing 128

Trbb culture, beginning to be con-
scious 88

Trees, implement used Cor felling 116

— , sacred, groves of 203

Tbial marriage 69

TBiBt7TB, no, in Bontoc 165

— , tax, and "rake off" 165, 166

TcTXXTKAN viLLAOB, metal pipes made

In ^ 132

— , expert wild-fowl catchers in 83

TuLUBiN yiLLAQB, basket made in.... 122
— , flayed tree-bark breechcloth made

in 112

— girls affected with goiter, in

Lumawig tradition 201

— , implement trade with people near.. 116
— , trade in woman's clothing between

Barlig and 114

Tttbnino the soil 93-97

Twins, disposition of 60

— , infanticide connected with 60

Typhoid fever 71

Uix:bb8 and sores 74

Utensil and implement production 114-123
Utensils and implements, wooden,

manufacture and uses of 115-116

— Bontoc pueblo, making of 51 !

Value, measure of exchange 155, 156

— . size and age of carabao, how

shown 218

— , standard of 156

Varicosb veins 73

Vegetables, basket for conveying 122, 123
Vegetal life, vocabulary of 244, 245

— production 87, 88

Verbal suffixes, illustrated 230, 231

Verbs 231

— , vocabulary of 246

Village. Bontoc, government mainly

aboriginal 167

— , each, an enemy 176

— , evacuation of, before war attack.. 178
Villages seeking peace of Bontoc... 176

ViSATAN people, location of Footnote 19 |

VocABULABT, adjoctives 246 I

— . adverbs 246 I

— , animals 242-244

— , Benguet Igorot 232, 233

— , cardinal numerals 247 i

— , condition of human body 237, 238 j

— , consanguineal and social relation- i

ships 238

— , cosmology 234, 235

— , distributive numerals 248 i

— , foods and beverages 240 '

— , home and field 242 i

— , human body 235-237

— , Malay 232, 233

— , ordinal numerals 247, 248 I

— , Sulu 232, 233 I

— , vegetable life 244, 245 ,

Page

VocABULABT, vorbs 246

— , weapons, utensils, etc 240, 241

VocABULABiES, Comparative, of
English, Bontoc and Benguet

Igorot, Malay, and Sulu 231-233

Vocal music 192, 193

Vowels, sound of, inconsistency of 229

Wageb, Dr. B. A., succeeds Hunt as

lieutenant-governor 88

Wages and exchange of labor 136, 137

— of labor 137

— of woman 186

— of wood gatherer 187

Waku, one class of priests 205

Wab aifd head-hunting 172-183

— "bluffs" 179

— challenges 176, 177

— , characteristics of 179, 180

— dance, man's 194

— declared 177

— , deflnlUon of 170

— , manners of 177-181

— , method of working off superfluous

energy 194

— taught by Lumawig 202

— , unexpected attack of 177

Wabfabb, style of spear blade used in 127

Wabbiob, how armed 178, 179

— , most favored in death 74

— , the Igorot 123

Wateb, drank 143, 144

— , transportation of 150. 151

Way, right of 196

Wealth, natural distribution of 137

— of group 160-162

— of individual 159-161

Weapons, Igorot 123

— , iron used in the manufacture

of 126

— , metal, production and uses of.... 125-130

— , production and uses of 123-180

— , steel, made in Sapao village 128

— , utensils, etc., vocabulary of 240, 241

— , wooden, uses and production

of 124, 125

Weeding stone dikes of sementeras.. 114

Weeds, absence of, in rice beds 99

Welding iron in Baliwang village.... 127
Whetstones of Besao near Sa-

gada village 129

Widowed, the 70

— , reasons for remarrying 70

Winnowing tray made in Samoki

and Kanyu villages 123

WiBE, brass, used for making pipes.. 131

Wisdom, practical, Igorot has 216

WiTTi, F., quoted by Roth on head-
hunting in Borneo 178, 174

Woman 43-45

— , a brachycephal-mesaticephali 43

— decidedly not dolichocephalic 43

— , clothing of, production and use

of 113, 114

— , diadem hair dress of 186

— field laborer 59

Digitized by

Google

266

INDEX

[RTH. 8UBV. 1

Page

Woman, girdle of 113

— , hair dress of 185, 186

— , headdress of ^ 185. 186

— , heirloom girdle of 186, 187

— laborer 136

— , measurements of 43

— , mortality of...... 42-45

— , occupations of 134, 135

— , pathology of 46, 47

—.skirt of 113

— , somatology of 43-45

— , Uttoo of 188, 189

— transporter of water 150, 151

— , wages of 136

WoMBN, burden bearers in Kiapa

area of Benguet ProTince 184

— leave village before attack, if

known 178

— , dance of. 193

— potters 117, 118, 119, 120

— , sole camote gatherers 105

— , transplanting, dexterity in 98, 99

"Wood agb" 115

Wood gatherer, wages of 137

Page

Wood, phosphorescent, transformed

spirit person J97

— .varieties of, used in pipes 130

Wooden implements and utensils.... 115, 116
— weapons, uses and production

of 124, 125

Worcester, Hon. Dean C, Secretary
of the Interior, letter of trans-
mittal to 3

— , photographs by 18

— , referred to Footnote 182

World, spirit, source of belief in 197

Takan Moro people, location

of Footnote 20

Tear, eight periods in 219, 220

— , number of moons said to be in 219

— , periods of 220

— , two seasons in 219, 220

Zamora, Miss Maria del Pilar, on
comparative intelligence of
Philippine children Footnote 15

ZoOCULTtJRB 107-111

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

GoogiV^

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Digitized by

Google

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The Bontoc Igorot"

See other formats